F466 





























^^ 








c 





'v^O^ 




'oK 



^^-^^^ •- 










^ 1 vr"-^ 








*- V 







4 O 



j^ -:ei EVI -Bl^TT 



OP 



STATE & NATIOML QUESTIONS. 



SPEECH OP 

/ 

SAMUEL T. GLOVER, ESQ 



DELIYEEED BEFOEE A MASS MEETING AT MONTICELLO, 
LEWIS COUNTY, MO., JULY 25, 1866. 






-^ii; \r(\^^- 



ST. LOUIS: 
GEORGE KNAPP & CO., PEINTEJRS AND BINDERS. 

1866. 



I 






SIPEEOH. 



Fellow-citizens:— It is perbaijs Known to most 
of you that over a month aao 1 published a serits ol 
appointments to adaress the peoi.le of North-east 
Missouri. 1 am here to-dav to till one ot these ap- 
pointments The pracMoe of public discussion, bv 
which all political measures, and all poiiffcal opinions, 
way be tiilly atd fn'rlv examined at the baroi popu- 
lar judqment, is the most distinctive indicium 
ot our hbert'es. No free people have existed with- 
out it. No free institutions have ever been created 
without it. If any system of just ana equal laws 
has sprung up m any quarter of the world, it has 
perishtd as soon as ibe Ireedom of debate has been 
stricken aown. 1 his great liberty, my friends, exists 
to-day in only a portion of the world. In our own 
couuDrv, in Great Britain, in Prussia, and in some 
other portions of Europe, the liberty o; speech and 
press obtains. But on a large portion of our earth's 
surface it does not yet obtain. In Austria, Russia, 
lurkpy, and su3h like abiides of despo'ism. the tree 
discussion ot measures attecting the common inter- 
est of the people is unknown. In all such countries 
the generous aspirations of the people are restrained 
by power, aod the ever ready aigum>-ut is '"the 
safety of the State requires it." The Stare, say all 
tyrants, is in daneer when discussion is free. The 
State, these tyrants say, has the rijjht lo protect 
liselt, and must iirotect itself, and so every despot- 
ism In the world lives, mi Tes and has its beine by 
sealing the lips and crushing the thoughts of men. And 
now, my friends, it this be true, how much ought we 
to prize this liberty of discussion. What a traoscen- 
Qant right it is; and how great an euemy to his 
country and to his race is that man who would 
destrov or seriously impair it. But why these re- 
mirks'? When the public mind is greatly moved by 
exciting political questions there aie somi-times 
f'ULd persons who seek to prevent their opponents 
being heard. I have generally remarked that persons 
take this unworthv course oulv alter thev aielwaten 
in argiiment.'Yiiu know how it was in 1860 frior to 
that lueiuorable era we had enjoyed more of pe^ce 
and prosperity ana happiuess than anv other people 
in the world. Whatever questions sprung uo were 
amicably aajnsted at the bar of the populai mind 
and the ba'lot box. Whether the question was 
taritt', bank, puDlic lands, acquisition ot territory, or 
toieign war; wDatever it was it was discusssd; argu- 
ment Was weighed against argument; taot com- 
pared with fact : the judgment of the naijun intelli- 
geatly made up; 'he ballots put into the box. and 
the majority decided and settled the controversy. 
But in 1860 there was a departure trotn an ancient 
policy. In 1860 a portion ot the people were discus- 
sin^ with great earnestness the subject of slaverv. 
The questions raised were these: Is siavervagood 
institution? Shall it remain peimanently among us? 
Or shall It be removed? These questions were eini- 



nexitly worthy of discussion. I thought then, ard 
Ibmk now the force of reason was all on the side of 
ihe anti-slaver? party. But pro-slavery leaders re- 
fused to discuss these questions, fuey declared they 
shoulu not be discussed. They said the State had 
the right to protect itselt; and the satetij 
of the State fort>ade discussion. I hey 
pronounced those who dittered froja them enemies 
ot the State. Tney passed laws to punish the u'ter- 
ance oi an ti- slavery oplDions— just as some others 
have passed laws ot late to punish and supprpss 
opiniubs. J.hey ltr;jlly appealed to torce. Yoa 
know the result. War followed by their act; and 
our country has been tilled with blood and misery. 
Hsd pro slavery men treated this question as they 
had treated ali others— rat'onally, peaceably— had 
they voted on it, and submitted to the result, or car- 
ried to the couits such questions of constitutional 
law as belonged 10 It, we should have had no war, 
and slavery would have fallen away in time, wthout 
a shock, as gently as the dews ot heaven. I h ive no 
manner of doubt that those, whose slave propeity 
might have been taken for the common advantage, 
would have been fully compensated with half the 
sum expended in the war. Such a result would have 
been a triumph of bnman reason and an honor to 
popular government. Men should alwavs remem- 
ber that physical torce and violence are elements of 
power which we derive from naturein rommou with 
the brutes that perish ; but that reason is the dis- 
tinctive attribute of man. In this war which the 
secessionists oroduced, 1 thauk God, they have been 
completely and fiLally beaten. I wish it was m my 
power to pass an encomium equal to their merits 
upon those noble men — the Union soldiers and citi- 
zens— whose valor and wisdom saved the Republic. 
But, my friends, uo mortal tongue could now do 
them just'ce. Posterity aione— the coming genera- 
tions, who are, I trust, to enjoy the blessings their 
deeds center, can award the fitting praise. I have sail 
the war in which the country has been engasied is 
over ; but, unhappily, the cessation of war fans to bring 
us peace. At this moment the very gravest political 
questions are pending before the people of Missouri 
and the nation. Never was there at any time eieater 
need of full and tair discussion. Sometbing over a 
year ago it has been said we changred the organic law 
of uur State. It has been reported by our Hon. Secre- 
tary of State that a newConstituti'in has been adopted 
lor Missouri, and since the 4ih ol July 186.5 we have 
been proceeding on that hypothesis. With this new 
Constitution, whether adoDted by avoteot the people 
or only supposed to have been adopted, are connected 
questions that challeoge the earnest deliberation of 
an intelligent and christian people. I propose to sub- 
HQit to your unbiassed judgment some v ews in 
reference to this Cons'itution. If time allows I may 
also aaverc to our national affairs. 



FOBMATION OF THE NEW CONSTITUTIOX. 

The nriw Constitution of Missouri was Irame'l ma 
period of tlie very greatest excitement. Plie mem- 
bets o( tlie Conveution that maae it were elected "n 
)lie midst of revolution. Some of tne members 
■were youog soldiers, and oassea from active service 
ill the he.d into the oall of the Convention, carry 
ins with ihe.m some notions of martial law, whi<;U 
was all they had learned. Others hail been sutier- 
ers in the civil war then raging, ana went into the 
Convention to arenfre their personal wrones Oth- 
ers, rerogniznig themselves and friends as violators 
of the criuunal code, were intent on'y upon some 
scheme nf prote.^.tion aea'nst its weM-merit«a penal- 
ties. There were religious zealo's who eauerly 
seized upon the occasion to direct the po'itical te- 
seniments of the hour against an oiioosing stct: aiid 
tai^e the flames of religious persecution. There 
were the avowed opponents of all reliaion, scotiers 
at the existence ol God, who readily joined m this 
persecution, even denying to the victims »f their in- 
tolerance, the privileges and consolatious of the 
church. 

I will not aver that in the Convention of 1865 theie 
were none whose mental and moral qualiticaiions 
fitted them for the business ol such a Convf-ntion. 
1 know thi're were a tew such men, nobie specimens 
cf men, whose truth and courage show brighter tor 
the surr unding darkness; who never cowered be- 
tbre the worst temper of the Convention ; who never 
Crated to delv while tbev could not deteat its rage, 
or to pity while they touud themselves unable to re- 
sist its 'oily. 

Jt IS noc to be wondered at that ?uct) a Convei tion 
should have made a Constitution on which should be 
everywhere seen the wild features of the levolution 
m which it was brought torth ; the vicious ana the 
just; the merciful and the cruel; the grave and the 
ludicrous — startire up like unnatural sptccres, con- 
tending for place and supremacy, ana jostling each 
other in a maze of coifusion ann contradiction. 

It is not strange thai its adoration should be min- 
gled with blasphemy, acknowledging here the in- 
debtedness of the (^onvenli. in to Altnighty Uod lor 
our tbrmer State Goverijment, declaring there thai 
they had made a better one; that i;s patriotism 
should deueuerate into revenge, its religion into 
persecution; nor that Us most essential features 
should be ihoSi' o( war and not of peace. On the 
10th ot A-oril, 1865, this new Constitution was signed 
in Convention. 

THE EATIFICATION OF THE OOXSTITUTION. 

I will ask your attention to the circum- 
stances under which it was submitted lor lafi 
fication. They ibrce upon tne mina the most 
unpleasant convictions. The sudden march ot 
a forlorn hope at midnight could not more certainly 
indicate that a surprise was intended. Ihe Kadi- 
jal leaders had concocted their scheme tor seiz- 
ing the state Gov<-mment and they did not intend fo 
be disappointed. Ihey first dislranchised large num- 
bers of citizens who had violated no law. and t.bis 
portion of the Constitution they ratified themselves, 
refusing to submit it to any vote ot the people. The 
extraordinary provisions of the Constitution made 
the question ot its ratification one of the most, im- 
portan^ ever submitted to the people of Mii-soun. 
The Convention so arranged that scarcely any dis 
cossion o." these provisions could be had. The sub- 
ject waa one that called for composure and deliber- 
ation. The Convention pressed the vote on it in a 
period otuncommon excitement. Six months would 
have been a time too short to bring the subject 
lairly before the pubhc mind. The Convention al- 
lowed only fitty-tour days. The voters ot every 
section of the State had a right to put in their ballot,; 
but the Convention knowing that in many counties 
roe civil organizations were broken up and the 
highways and postal communications destroyed, 
gave them no opoortunitv. The Convention provi- 
ded no one should vote who did not sw'ear he under- 
stood one et the Uiost difficult sections ot the Con- 
stitution, and yet never published or disseminated it 
amoue the people, in addition to this an ordinance 
was nassed removing nearly everv officer of the 
State and throwing into the hands of the Governm 
a vast patronage to buy the sulfrage of voters. 
When the election came otf, June 6, 1865, such had 
been the indecent and criminal haste, that fifteen 



counties maie no returns, for they bad no elections. 
From those that had a chance to vote, a majority 
ot 985 was re; urned against the Consr.itution. And 
su it seemed after all the Constitution wa« over- 
thrown, and the pitiful minirity who had been 
srheraiDg lor power, was sunk to deep and bottom- 
less perdition. But thev did not intend to give it up 
so. The soldiers' vote was yet to come in, and it 
was not long beiore the announcement was 
made, thit the home vote was overcome by the 
soldiers' ^'ote, md some 1,800 more rolled up for the 
Constitution. 

THE SOLDIERS' VOTE. 

The statement in reterenre to the soldiers' vote 
was a surprise to everybody. The '^Conservatives 
fiid not believe it, and several gentlemen ot St. 
Louis determined to learn, posi lively, what was the 
truth. They t-neaged Mr. A. W. Alexander, a mem- 
ber of the St. Louis Bar, and a gentleman of high 
character to ^o and ste the returns. He repaired to 
Jefferson city, and politely requested Mr. Rodman to 
short him ttie i:iao'-rs. But here was a greater sur- 
prise. The Hon. Secretary refusc'l ! Mr. Alexatder 
beaged and remonstrated in vain. Mr. Rodman was 
inexorable. He said attempts were beii g made to 
britie him; that $150,000 had been oifered him. He 
wou'd not show tlie returns, aad Mr. Alexander re- 
tun ed to S'. Louis. 

The conduct ol Mr. Rodman was so extraordinary 
as to induce another attempt ti get a sieht of the 
mysterious record. Colonel George B. Kellogg, a 
wounded soldier of the U"ioa army, a Conservative, 
and Judge Rombiuer, a Radical, both members of 
the St, Lou's Bar, both gentlemen ot stainless honor, 
n^xt went up to fefterson, hoping to induce Mr. 
Redman to charge his singular position, and ex- 
hibit toe records. They, too, utterly failed. Mr. 
Rodman refused — claimed to be insulted — 
raved about frauds practiced on the Rad- 
icals — attempts to enter his office in the 
night — attempts to steal the Records — his 
own immaculate purity— rebels, copperheads, Dave 
Pool , <&c., &c. 

That most imnirflalpuolic servant condescended 
to stite to Messrs. Kellogg and Rombiuer that he was 
not Judas Iseariot, but no other impoitani iniorma- 
tion could they get out of him. He held on to the 
records with a death grasp and the gentlemen gave 
It up. 

Soon aft,=r some of Mr Rodman's political fiieuds 
pre»enle<l him with a '•fui I tea-set of solid silver." 
1 he orator ofthe day commenting on his "straiaht- 
ibrwird career as a public officer," and '"his patient 
lorbearance" under the insults which had been oifer- 
ed him ! Mow, my tiiends ot all parties, what think 
you ot this aftair? Is it respectable? Can you ap- 
priveit? Elsewhere in our history has there been 
such conduct in a nublic officer? Is a citizen bound 
tc take the statement ot the keeper of a public rec- 
ord 111 place 01 the record itself? Is it the law of 
Missouri that the records ol a great popular elec- 
tion are things to be seen by one party only, or the 
olficials of onepartyonly? 

Ot course ail ine disagreeable suspicions that some- 
thing was wrong somewhere were greatly intensified. 
The Hon. Secretai-y professed to feel keenly the 
suspicions that anything was wrong on his part; but 
his anguish was never great enough to induce him 
to produce 'he records. So t^iis matter rested til 
tne Legislature met in November 1865. Mr. Doni- 
phan moved the following resolution in the Senate: 

"Resolved, By the Senate. That the Committee on 
Elections be directed to enquire whether the Consti- 
tution submitted to the people of this State. June 
6, 1865, and subsequently declared by proclam- 
ations ot the Governor to be tne organic 
law of the State, received a majority 
ot the votes of the loyal electors ol this State cast on 
thitday, and whether the seeming majority ot 1,800 
were legal votes uudersuch Constitution, or whether 
the same was obtained by frauoult-nt returns, and 
for that purpose shall have power to send for per- 
sons and paoers " 

Our Radical triends in the Senate opposed the re- 
solution. Not being able on such a proposition to 
carry the whole Radical strength, the vote in the 
Senate was a tie— 11 for to 11 against. Under this 
state of the case the Lieut. Governor, George Smiih, 
voted ''No," and suppressed all inquiry into the 
matter of the resolution ! ! 



Anofhi-r moMon was tnafJe in thp Senate to :iD- 
pomt H comuiittee to inquire into the t.ratli ot ttio 
alleued attenuK to oribe the Hon. Stcietary ot State, 
but thu oroposiiion was also voteJ down. It, is true 
tiiat the Radicals raisetl a committee to count the 
vote, anil I understand that this Comniit^ee report- 
ed, near the close ot the sessioo, that the count was 
riihtand tt)e certiticntes in lorm. But the records 
were never pub hsbed. nor is it now known if the 
voves were legul or nor, nor whether they were black 
or white, or cit.zi-ns or soldiers. And thus the mat- 
ter stands. I hope and trust, that this traosaction, 
soaisrapiitable t > those who up to this time have 
closed up thp avenues to the truth, m-iy vet bt*. un- 
covered, and Its guiltv contriveis. if ^uilt there be. 
brought to the bar of justice. I sav, guilt, because 
1 think it is Impossible that ^ach a transactiO/i can 
be free from gui't somewhere. 

If it is not improper to jest on so tfrave a subject, 
I will relate 311 ancciore which mav iilustrite the 
ditlereLCo.in the opmcn of a R'idical Senate, between 
the resolution oti'er>-d by Mr. Doniphan to inquire 
into the whole subject, and the one which they 
adopted. 

Smith, who resides in one of our Mississippi 
towns, and who uid once enjoyed the honor of b^- 
ing hiah constable ot the village, went not long 
since into the adjacent riVer bottom, ana returned, 
Btatiue there were millions of mosouitos in that bot- 
tom. JoUrs was a neiglibor of Smlih, and having 
visited the s-tme bottom, solemnly deola-ed there 
was not a smsle mosquito there. Here was a pa.i.- 
ttil question of veracity. It was plain sotcebcdy 
had Jibbed; and to ado to the perplexity ot the case, 
Jones also had been high coi.stable of the town. 
Parties were tbrmed — excitement swelled high, the 
result was that a committee was appointed to in- 
quire aLd reoort, with power to send lor persons 
and papers, &c. Well, the committee assembled, 
called the parties before them, the testimony wis 
taken in the presence of Jones, and as the fact 
came out there wis less ana less reason to question 
the solemn statement ot Mr. Smith. Jones was 
cornered, was he not? By no means. He was 
mer.'iy called on to e.xi'li'n. And what do you sup- 
pose was his explanation? Why, he said there was 
no question between him and his friend Smith. He 
had never asserted there were not millions of mos- 
quitos in the bottom; he believed there were; what 
be contend' d for was that there was not a single mos- 
quito in the bottom. It was tiue. He would die 
betore he would retract it. Che fact was tnatall the 
mo^quitos tbere were married and had mo.-it tremen- 
dous families. Now, m^ irienas, this man Jones (1 
do not. mention it to hi^ oiejuo.ce) is a thoroupo 
Radical calls Andrew Johnson a traitor, plumes 
himsell upon his veracii^y, and regards Geus. 
Sherman and Blair and Brown as sym- 
pathizeis with rebellion. But to the 
point o£ this anecdote? Some day we shall get hold 
ot these secret public recoras; we shall know the 
contenis, who the voters aopear to be, who acted as 
juoges, who certified, when, wbere, and the whoie 
nature ot the case And when the iraud is uncov- 
ered, then will come one of Jones' explanations — 
we only counted the votes; we looked no fu'tiier. 
We never su^oected such a thing as that. &c., &c 

If a history like this Is calculated to induce an un- 
favorable opinion, 1 am atraid an examination of the 
Constitution itselt will sc-ircoiy remove it. aUjw 
me to advert to ihe'natuie of some ot its provisions. 

THE CO>"STITUTION IS CKCTEL TO THE POOB. 

Prior to the presen: Constitution there was re- 
served by our humane lavs free Irom taxation so 
much property behing'ng to the poor as was indes- 
pensabe to their necessities. There aie in every 
community indigent persons, defendant upon labor 
tor a scanty subsistence : laihers worn out by age or 
atliicted by disease: widows with famil'ea ot small 
children : unibrtuna'ea from whatever caus.^, who 
have no income and no more property than enough 
to suoDly their wants, in fuch a city as St. Louis, 
the number of tbese people is large. If you enter 
their dwellings vou discover only a few poor piects 
of furniture, a ragged carpet, one or two stools or 
chairs, a oroken pot or skillet, some articles nf 
cracked china, some miserable things called beds 
wnich. with their tattered clothing, constitute all 
they possess in the name ol property, valuable to 
them, of no value to any one else, worthless for the 



putpospB of revenue. Now (ho new C institution 
directs that all ihese paltry things, even to the cloth- 
ing on the person, shall be assessed and, if the tax 
is not naid. carried to the auction 'dock and sold. It 
matters not the pauper may b giving on abedofdeath, 
the bed must be taken Cro'n under him. It mattera 
not his child may have but one cup trom which to 
take its scanty tbod, or one wreiched blanket to shiela 
It from the coid, the Collector must seize the cap and 
blanket and even the clothes he wears, in the name 
ot the State. The County Court has no power to ex- 
cuse the officer or pass the amount to the del.nqneut 
list. Lest a Collector miaht applv to a Leeislaure 
to relieve him tl-om such inhamauity. the Constitu- 
tion provides that no Legislature shall nass any spe- 
cial law "to relieve any Assessor oi Collector of tax- 
is from the due performance of his official duties." 
Where, my frienus, in what age, in wha^ country, 
has such legislation been Known? Wheie shall we 
look for such unqualified Hselefs cruelty? 

lis "Pluto, the grist y gid, who never spares; 

Wno feels no mercy and hears no prayers." 

THE CONSTITUTION WAB9 TTPON CHARITY AND RE- 
LIGION. 

The privilege of worshipping God in a church wi;.h- 
outoaying tribute to the State no longer exists. It 
has been destroyed by this Constitution. Cou'ches 
are taxeo lor the first time in our history, the 
right to sh-lter the houseless, to nurse the sick, feed 
the hungry, clothe the nak^a, is also placed under 
the oan ot your Constitution. Asylums, houses 
of refuse, homes of the t'lendless and all God-givea 
chariaes ttjat biess mankind, that do continual good 
and no evil, ana all whose objects and motifts are 
the purest, noblest, best that tionor our poor hu- 
man nature are taxed, manyoi them t'lxed to death, 
and to be oriven out of existence by its provisions. 
Line might as well propose to tax the genial sunliahfc 
and vital air. The result can only be to visit 
upon the aged, the sick, the helpless poor ot every 
class additional burthens — ^not only so. but additional 
burthens on the public. For every asylum that is 
closed by this provisious, the counties must pay or 
neglect the sutlerers lor wLomitis the sacred duty 
nf society to provide For every invalid maintained 
and cared tor by one of these blessed institutions, but 
turned out upon the woild by this toolish una wicked 
Constitution, the people must be taxed again to meet 
a burthen. 

A simpleton once said to a learned surgeon, '•Doc- 
tor, how long do you suppose a m m could live 
witnout any brains in his head?" I'he Doctor reolied: 
•'Why do you ask. you should know your own ase 
better than I do." The surgeon, my friends, could 
not answer his question for want ot a little Historical 
information. But had the question been, how long 
can a Radical Conventios live without brains, we 
could all answer it. For herein this book, [holding 
up the journal of the Convention,] weflud the history 
of such a body, and learn that it met on the Gtu of 
January, and lived on without the slightest indica 
tion of any cerebral functions till the lOih of April, 
1865, on which day it died as it lived, without my 
brains m its head. 

THE CONSTITUTION PROHIBITS RELIGIOUS INSTRO 
MENTALITIES. 

The Constitution, my friends, limits the use of 
property tor religious purposes to actiapei, house of 
worship, parsonage and burial ground. JNo other 
lellsious uses ot property are permitted. No rehg- 
ious corooiation; church, congreaaiion. denomina- 
tion, sect society, minister, public teacher or preacher 
as such, can own either lauds, chattels or money lur 
religious uses save as mentioned. The consequence 
IS that from the moment the Constitution tcok ef- 
tect, the r'ght of anv christian church or sect, bible 
society, tiact society, missionary society, sabbath 
school, young men's christian association, 
s ciety for the propagation of the Gospel, society for 
the promotion ol christian knowledge or other re- 
Igious associations, to own any bibles, tracts, books, 
Dipers, ink, presses, type, houses, leases, office furni- 
tute. money or other real or personal property, was 
aniiihilatea within the limits ot Missouri. What pe- 
cuniary value the provision atJ'scts in Missouri 1 am 
unable to stite. But, I oelieve,the principle applied 
to 'he Union, would reach many millions ot dollars; 
would ereitly shock and derange the operations of 
religious b idles in their work ol spreading the Gos- 



pel. 1 am at a loss to conceive how with no pecuiii- 
alv or propertv means, save a church house, a chapel 
parscnatie and burial ground, the relitrions cntt- rpi ises 
oftbe uay can b'^ maintained. It is certain tliat 
witDout the privilegeof making, owning or distribu- 
ting books, religious societies must be greatly sborn 
of their power tor good. It is quite as certain I ap- 
prehend that a bible or hymn book, ti act or sermon 
will net, even in these disjointed times, lall within tbe 
meanina of tbe terms, chapel, churcb house, parson- 
age or burial ground. 

A voice in the crowd.— "Why, It tbat is so, are 
the operations of tbese religious societies still going 
on? 1 see tbem going on." 

Mr. Glover.— Yes. sir, I believe you are correct. 
They are still going on, Nob idy has attempted to 
put the Oonsutuiion in force against them. Tbe 
people are too religious, too humane, too Denevolent 
to employ the power ot the Constitution to break up 
tUesj jjreat religious enterpris-s. Kow, sir, I will 
puta question lo you. Why is it, if there be a po- 
litical test oath in Missouri, as a condition for 
preaching, that no minister in St. Louis county, who 
preaches without taking it, has ever been indicted? 
Is IS because there is no such test oath? Mo, sir, but 
because the people of St. Louis county despise its 
tyianuv, repudiate its constitutional validity, and 
will not enlorce It? 

1 reter my Radical friend there to the 12th and 13th 
sections of article 1, of his Uonstituiion. 1 tell hiui 
il he iri an honest Kallcal to go and seize the books 
ot the Sunday schools and Bible societies in bis 
tie'ghborhood, lor it is a violation of the new Uonsti- 
tuiion tor a religious 803iety to own or use such 
hooks. My triends, if 1 was compelled to express an 
opinion as to who originated this provision 1 should 
fix the pateruily on some of taose Teutonic states- 
men who did not hesitate to proclaim on the floor of 
the Convention that they neither believed in God 
nor devil, and whose hostility to all religious liber- 
ties was a controlling influence in that body. 

It has been said a precocious youth once made 
bimselt a great astronomer by eazing at the evening 
star while he rang the bell ol a viii.ige church. In 
some such w.iy. I take it. a man might very soon 
make himself a constitutional statesman. I do not 
know but a little lager beer might tflect it. JSo one 
can measure the reach of geni'^s when ruminating 
over SIS cups in a lager beer saloon of a babnath 
evening, i here Is an irrepressible conflict, fellow- 
citizens, between the Saboath schools and lager beer 
schools, and just at this time, lager beer holds a de- 
cided advantage. 

XHE COKSTITUTIOK PROVIDES FOR THE SHEDDING 
OF INiNOCENT BLOOD. 

In all well ordered Governments, in all humane 
or Christian Governments, there is lodged some- 
%vhere a power of pardon for offences, especially 
those of a capital nature. The administration of 
tbe laws is not perfect, nor can it be, while men are 
fallible. When every care is taken to prevent iiyustice 
It mav still be done. An excited or corrupt jury may 
render an unjust veriict. A timid or igaorantjudge 
may award the death penalty. A verdict of guilt 
and judgment of death may be had on erroneous or 
penured evidence In such cases the last resort ol 
innocence is to a pardoning power; tor when the 
court has adjourned the (lase is beyond the judge's 

But this Constitution declares that in respect to 
cases of conviction for treason no pardon shall exist. 
No matter how the conviction was obtained ; no mat- 
ter whether the person was guilty or innocent ; no 
matter how plainly it is made to appear that the 
convictiou was wrong, still the convict must die. 
To fully comprehend the character ot this sect'on I 
will suopose a case that has happened, and may hap- 
pen again. A man has been convicred and ailjudged 
10 death. The overt act alleged is the killing of 
some one. Af er the adjournment of the court and 
the erection of the e»llows, the person supposed to 
have been killed leappears anl the innocence oftbe 
convict made certain. Under this Constitution how 
is th- innocent blood to be saved? The juiy coniess 
with deep humiliation their error, and app al to the 
Executive to pardon. The Prosecuting Attornev, 
lamenting the painful recollection of his part in the 
atiair, sues lor mercy. The judge, the jury join in 
the petition. I he whole people or tbe county; the 
whole people of the State, if you please, tall upon 



their knees and with uplltted bands implore the 
rescue. But no, my Iriends; there is no power any- 
where to save. The man, thouch innocent, must 
die. i'his execrable, this intamous Oonstitutioo de- 
mands It. 

1 need not remind you that in the reign of Charles 
II, ot Eoiiiand. a great i^umbfT ot innocent persons 
were convieted and exi-cuicd upon the testimony of 
three viUians, Oites, Bedioe and Dang( rfield. It 
was a time of religious siilfe between Protestant and 
Catholic; and whatever one of these monsters said 
was so implicitlv believed that conviction folloned , 
almost certainly upon accusation. At length the 
perjury ot the witDe.'':ies was made manliest and 
other victims rescued. His'oryis full oi facts im- 
pressing on us the wisdom ota pardoning power, es- 
pecially in capital cases. All law writers, all states- 
men agree that it 18 an indispensable element of 
good government. There Is no such provision 
in any other State Constitution, nor in tbe Constitu- 
tion of tbe United Stales. There is no such thing in 
any civilized government of Europe. I do not know 
that anv barbarous people have ever made such a 
law. And now mv friends, bow d'O the vile thing 
happen? I will tell you how I think it happened. 
I have already spoken ot tbe character of the Con- 
vention. In such a body, at such a time, it is the 
weakest and not the strongest minds that rule. '-Pro- 
gress" is the watchword and snmethiug new and 
strange and startling is the order of the day. Some 
enthusiastic clamorer for " progress," not knowing 
that truth is immutable and once discovered no pro- . 

gress can be made on it. suggested that treason wis 
so odious a crime the pardoning power should be ta- 
ken away from it; all that class who never think 
yielded their assent, the timid, who, whatever the.v 
think, dare not oppose a mai^>rity, rais^'d no objec- 
tion. Over another class who saw tbe iBJustice, hut 
trnm sordid and selfish motives is ever inclined to 
court the favor of a faction and prostrate themselves 
at the feet of its desperate leideis, was raised the 
sense'esscryot "Copperhead and rebel sympath'zer." 
—a wolf howl, mtenoed to drive before it, and most 
poientin driving osfore it, all knaves and covvaids; 
and tbey, too, yieide'J. Another paity. to be sure, 
steadily resisted this ana all other outrages of the 
Convention, but in vain. I'he still, small voice of 
reason was unheard amid the howling storm. And 
so the thing was done. And so it come to pass that 
poor Missouri to-day s'ands out upon the political 
horizon of the world sol'tary and alone m the dis- 
honor of having a Constituiion which requires the 
death of the innocent. Mv friends, 1 kno *i not that 
his satanic majesty, tbe devil, ever enters a hail of 
leeislation ana tberB, invisiole to mortal eye, whis- 
pers into the ears ot bad or passionate men the 
thoughts which thev enact into laws, out it really 
seems toat such a law hs this could spring from no 
other source. What do you think of it? A voice, 
"Why, we think, sir, it was moved aud instisrated by 
the devil, and came irom nobody else. That's what 
we think ol it." 

THE KEW CONSTITUTION IN8CI.TS THE LIVING AND 

THE DEAD BY ITS DESECRATION OF CEMETER- ' 

lES AND GRAVES. 

I would be obliged to some trierd o( the Conven- 
tion to vindicate its cooduct.in diiecting the assess- 
ment and return tor sale to the Collectors of reve- 
nue of ail our grave yards and cemeteiies. Graves 
are the last restun: places ol those whom we loved 
in lite, and whose memories, now they are gone, are 
dearer to us than ever. 

It is the common instinct of mankind to look 
upon the grave of a lather or a mother, a 
wife, a husband, a brother, a sister or cbiid as 
the most sacred spot of all the earth. The first im- _ ^ 
pulse of the soul is to defend these places trom every 
unhallowed touci. and even every irreverent thought. 
The grave of the unknown stranger, who has died 
lur trom his kindred and country, once we have laid 
his remains in the eanh >s sanctified. If there be 
one who can stand by the grave of his worst enemy 
and not speak with bated breath, and tread more 
lightly there— who does not feel p,ission cold ana re- 
sentment dead— he is less than man. The simple 
chtld of nature, the rutle Indian, approaches the 
graces ot his people with a religious awe, ULd would 
sutler death before he would offer them an indignity. 
Mankind have struggled to adorn these holy precncrs 1 
with memorials of affection ana mark them with 



giens and mouunienfs tbatsb til transmit their mem- 
ory to tuture times. Ihe Pvramids ot Egypt and 
Mexico have preserved tor untold centuries the ven- 
eration 01 thoae semi-birbarous natlors tor their 
departed kings. Westminister Hall, witliin whose 
portals have met aee atter aa;e England's living sages, 
and where have been enacted the granoesi scenes 
ot]EDgli>h history, is neither so Imposing nor so attiect- 
Ing as Westmuisfer Abbe^ , wiere repose In simple 
earth or "dull cold marble" Tinglana's iiiustrloiis 
and lamented dead. When lately the great and 
good Lincoln Cell by an assassin's hand; when that 
gentle and lamillar voice was hushed in aeath ; when 
those eyes, that never shose but in mercv, were 
closed forever; it was then bis countrymen first 
knew how much they loved him. It was there they 
realized that the most touching memento ol all that 
was lett of him was the patriot's grave. To guard 
that grave from desecration to-aay a million swords 
would leap tVom their scabbards at a moment's 
notice. Will Illinois, do you think, assess ana sell 
that grave lor taxes? Would it dishonor the dead? 
Would it insult the living? 

The Missouri Convention have outraged the sense 
of universal humanity. In the insult which they 
have ottered to the dead, in the desecration of graves 
and tombs they have stricken a blow at every living 
human bosom. Thev have ordered the assessment 
and !-ale for taxes of the graves of their people. Thev 
are the first legislative hyenas on record. Hitherto 
whoever desnoilea a grave or tomb was a public 
criminal, subject to arrest and disgraceful oun- 
ishmeni. The Convention legalized this odious 
crime. The new Constitution directs its otticers 
substantially to remove the enclosures around these 
folemn soots, tear down the monuments, and di- 
vert the grounds trom a sacred to a common use. 

Radicalism, m its avarice and brutality, ctutchesiat 
each poor piank that guards these silent abodes; be- 
grudges the pititui stories that point out the head 
and leet of the parent or child, brother or friend 
that rests belaw. 

It is Radicalism that calls forth in accents harsh, 
horiiJ and inhuman*'erave8 forsale Iwho'U buy ?wbo'Jl 
Duy ? I have all sorts ol graves for sale ; graves ot ttie 
old and the young, the rich an 1 the poor, the great 
and the humble ; some so old you may 8C<rcelv read 
the weather beaten inscriptions; and some are fresh 
green graves whose corpses lately walked among us 
as compar ions and friends; all brought under the 
great Radical auction hammer. Come bidders. I ut- 
ter you this snlendid lot cheap. It contains a whole 
lamily, lather, mother, sons and daughters 
all lie here. They died before 

the age of progress. None has come to reaeeu — 
Donecan come — for I tell you all the lamily lie here. 
The lot is plenty large for a stable or a hog-pen: taxes 
only ten dollars. Come, genilemen, give us a bid. 
1 sell all together; these willows that weep tor the 
hand that planted them, now resting beneath their 
shade; thete cedars that point to heaven, emblems of 
our immortality. Why men, any ot these marble 
slabs is wotrh the money. What splenald mate- 
rial for a buicher's table or currier's bench! -only 
one dollar as bia — going— going— gone !" 

My good Iriends, I have heard it said this disgust- 
ing — this loathsome feature of the Constitution was 
the result ot accident; that it was covered up in a 
careless phraseology and not discovered till the ad- 
journment of the Convention, and it is unfair to 
complain of it. I most sincerely wish for the 
sake ol the Convention that this was true. But there 
is no tiuth in it. I have heie in my band the jour- 
nal of the Convention. It contains the report ol Geo. 
K. Budd Esq , Ohairman of the Committee on Fi- 
nance, a person wtiom I have known for twenty 
years — a gentleman ot high social oositioc— a meiu- 
berof aChrietian Church— a man of education, and, 
I believe ot Dure motives, but whose imagination I 
think has been greatlv e.xcited and disordered. Ihe 
report among other things calls the attention of the 
Convention to the cubject of taxing anl sellingceme- 
teries as a financial meas-ure!! The Report states 
the amount of our public debt, the necessity ot pay- 
ment, reiers toour former "sinful and sickly' couise, 
atmounGes the new birth of the "Ridical policy"and 
proposes to bring to the auction block cemeteries and 
graves as a step essential to the financial 
credit and character of the State, now, that it has 
pleased taod in his infinite mercy, to put It into the 



heartsof bis people to blot out from the a'atute 
boDk.all laws designed to bold human beings in bond- 
age. 

Once, atlter Gonsaleo, "the great Captain," had 
won a signal victsry. there appeared suddenly on 
the field, one ot those holiday soSdiepo, all coverea 
with feathers and lace. "Who," said Meudozi to tiie 
Great Captiin, "is this redoubtable warrior?" "It 
IS. [said Gonsaleo, "St Ermin. who never appears 
but after a storm." Thus it was with our wondrous 
financier. His genius which had been budding more 
than torty years, never bloomed till it unfolded its 
beauties on the Radical Conf^ntion. But thou Ir de- 
liehted the Convention, and now fills the whole 
State with its fragrance. A constitutional amend- 
ment was moved in your last Legislature to do aw^y 
wtth this provision, and was voted down by the 
R^idicals. 

THE COKSTITUTION SANCTIFIES FRA.UD, ROBBEKIT 
AJSD MURDER. 

There Is another clause in the Constitution to wbich 
Twill direct \ our attention. It is that which le- 
lates to seizures of property and persons, and other 
acts done under military authoritv, or by command 
ol a military officer. It his been usual for Gjvern- 
meuts to indemnify their officers and soldiers for 
acts of military necessity done in good taith m time 
of war for the benefit ot the State. This is right. 
But such is not the character of the present ordi 
nance. It covers every wicked ana widul tres- 
pass, every need ot sordid, selfish avaricious 
robbery, every purely intentional, malicious 
wounding and murder committed by the worst men, 
ana with the worst motives. Neither the tacts to 
which the ordinance relerred, nor the ourpos-i wbich 
it contemplated can be questioned by anybotiy. 
They are known to the whole Stite. In no part of 
the State were these facts more notorious or more 
fiagrant than in y.mr own section. I have now in 
my miuii certain military otficers whose deeds of 
rapine entitle them to a distingu'sh^d place in the 
calendar of personal and olficial intamy. These otfi- 
cers whose busineg.'* it was to find and fight the 
enemy, led their troops sot against the enemy, but 
against the peaceful inhabitants, y/hom it was their 
duty to protect, and not to rob. It is said they re- 
aiizeo laigely by their military operations. Cattle, 
horses, mutes, buggies, bedf. bedoing, curtains, 
watches, silver plate, and every species ol property 
which they coveted.and on which they could lav their 
rapicious hands were coiheted ana borne away in 
triumph. Sometimes the property was boldly and 
insolently tak^n in trne highwayman style. Some- 
times the owners were to d it was about t^j be confis- 
cated, and advised to sell lor a amal! sum. Some- 
times they were t^lu that to surrender their property 
was the only way to escape imorisonment. Some- 
times after property had been carried otf by ac- 
complices, the rutfians extorted irom the iniured 
parties bribes to return it. In one instance, 1 am 
informed, a citizen of this portion of the State, sinca 
honored with a high otfieiil position, went to a 
woman, the owner of a vafuable animal, told her n 
was about to be confiscated, kind ly offered her a pal- 
try sum. and thus appropriated to himself the 
willow's mite. 

Another illustration Is worthy to be mantionel. 
A military oflicer captured in their own homes and 
in the night not tar from the .spot I now occupy, two 
men on tee brink of the grave trom old age. men 
who had never been in arms, who were incaoa.ble ot 
levying war; who, I believe, had committed no 
crime and were not punishable by him if iney had. 
these men the gallant officer hurried ortinlo the 
forest and there tied so they could not stir aiid then, 
as the breeze lified the gray locksof his helpless vic- 
tims, and the pale muon looked down in horror, or- 
dered a pla'oon of soldiers to fire upon them. I'be 
volley crashed into the brains and heat ts of thesn 
Dooi old men. The murder was finished. And the 
victorious hero closed his camoaigu. 

This deed, my fuends, over whicn angels wept 
and fiends and devils laughed and sh«iited, and all 
such deeds witha your State have been lejaiiied. 
justified and sanctified by tae ordinance in qestiou. 
A more wicked piece of legislation — a more atrocious 
outrage upon the soint of laws— a more contemptu- 
ous defiance of the justice ot the Almighty is nor on 
record. Allthisclass ot law-breakers had a strong 
foothold on the floor ot the Convention. Mutually 



in^e^esfec) in protecting each other, "they made firm 
concord and dominated its action. The generous 
Convention redeemed and regeneracpd all ot ihem. 
Not a legal sta'ii or aisability was iPit on one olthem. 
No criminal comnlamt, no civil action can be pre- 
ferred in :iny of these case. Sotheordmance intends. 
*' Tiiousti tneir sins were as scarlet" the convention 
has made them '-white as sonw." Thov are tbrtun- 
ate men, are tbev not? Alas! no my irieiids. Guilt 
is never fortunate. Ruffianism and cruelty may se- 
cure a vulgar eclat ; but briel and pitiable is its race. 
I hear our heroes are ill at ease. Ttie pardon ot 
the Convention brines 9r no sutficien*: consolation. 
The radiance of martial renown which once encir- 
cled theii godlike brows has already faded. Of the 
crowd of devotees that erst sunounded them, none 
now remain to worship. Once so boisterous ai.d de- 
fiant, our Leroes aie at length silent— timiil. Some 
of them for the most part, as 1 learn, now keep within 
their QLors; shrinking with a new modestv from tbe 
public gdze, which so lately they coveted and en- 
joyed, fi IS said that memory and conscience are 
t*in vultures that prey on guilty bosoms. 

My friends, I have not intended to argue before 
you the injustice of this piovision. fo feel its 
whole outrageous nature requires only a grim of 
reason and a grain of virtue. He wuo das these 
will comprehend it. To him who has them not 
nothing need be said. We eave bad lately in St. 
juOuis a juaica' construction of this very provision 
of wmch I F'ust give an account. 

In 1861 there were livina in St. Louis two men. 
Charles SiiUe and Henry D ehman, owning respect- 
ive lots of around lying side bv side. Prior to the 
war Stifle wanted Drehman's lot to enlarge his 
brewery, but Drehman refused to sell. When the 
war broke out btitei raised a regiment and bv an 
oraer which he managea to pioctire from Gen. 
Sweeney, took possession of Dehman's lot, fore 
down and removed fixtures on it, ejcltised it with a 
fence, put his beer barrels on it, and has kept it 
ever=iDce. Stitel "occasionally drillea some squads 
of soldiers on Drehinan's lot, from ISGl to 181)3 
Drehman was enileavoruig to get the public authori- 
ties to recoiciae Stitel's act as done for ths Govern- 
menr,; and obtain compensation for his property. 
But tbe Givernment would never recognize the act 
or pav a cent. In I8C3 Drehman sued Stitel as a 
trespasser and obtained judgment for the prooerty 
and $5,000 damages for its detention. Stifel ap- 
pealed, and wiiile tne appeal was pendme the ordi- 
nance in quesfion was passeil. In Jane, 186G, the c ise 
was tried. The Hon. Samuel Reoer, Judge, save 
the following instructions to the jury as defining the 
etiecr, uf the ordinance. 

"It the entry on the premises in question was 
maae by defendant as a mdifarv act, done uniler 
military authority, and m the doing of which he was 
and is to be protected under the ordinance pit-aded 
in this cause, then tbe subsequtnt aefamer ot said 
premises at any time afterwards by the delendant if 
he did so detail* them, cannot afford any cause of 
action acr^Jnst him, defendant, under the proceed- 
ings in this cause." 

Now, my friends, here is the question. Suppose 
Bill Anderson and his incarnate devils had bush- 
whaoKed Drehman, set fire to his house and burned 
it to the ground. In that case Drehman would have 
sustained a serious injury But tbe Uonventijn has 
made a law that more effectuiily destroys his rights 
than Bill Anderson and his mvrmiooms had povver 
to do. Bill could only have destroyed his house. 
The Convention has vittually deprived him of nis 
land. If Bill ABder son had been the wrong-doer, 
Drehman eonld nave sued bim ana recovered dama- 
ges; but under this ordinance it seems 
no action will lie against Stifel. He 
could have expected iiothing less from 
cbels and bushwhackers, for they were 
his onemes and enemies of his Government. Bn 
the uotivenMon pretended to be h-s friends ana the 
guardians of his rights. Which now do you say is 
more to be censured, the open avowed, bushwhacker 
and latjd pirate, or the Insidious and hypocrit'cal 
Convention? Either the Convention had power to 
legislate in this manner, or they bad not. If they 
bad no such power, what usurpers and tyrants they 
are! Ii they had the power so to legislate, and di- 
vest the rights of property, then under what sort of 
Government do we bve? Commentators on laws 
universally condemn these asbitrary enactments, | 



no mitterby whom they are made, or on what pre- 
tence It has been remarked that, like the stone of 
Sysiphus, thev ro'l on their projectors. They tall 
on those whom they were meant to aia. Tou all re- 
member thit Hameu once erected a gallows fjr 
Mordecai, the humble Jew, wno sat at tbe King's 
gHie; but it turned out so that Haman, and not 
Moroecai, was nanged on that very gallows. 

About the year 1509, the people ut England were 
greatly incensed against a couple ot tax-gatberers, 
Empson and Dudlev, who, in their estor'ions had 
enjoyed the favors of the Crown Wnile the excite- 
ment ra?ed, tbe culprits were put to oeatb on ficti- 
tious charges of treason, and one of these acts of 
Parliament called a bill of attainder, afterwards so 
famous in English history, Thomas Cromwell, an 
arch demagogue, not satisfied with the murder of 
Empson and Dudley, for a crime thev never thought 
ol, set his wits to work to provide a way for putting 
any one to death who was odious to P.irliament. He 
advised Parliament they had power to pass a bill of 
attainder without notice to the defendant, and he 
procured opinions from the Judges thit sucb a pro- 
ceeTing would be valid under the laws of En^iland. 
But who, my triends. wa^ tbe first suflTerer from 
these legal inculcations? I'hisveiy Thomas Crom- 
well himseli. His enemies soon after read from his 
own words the authonfv torhis own murder. 

In France, Jucobins, Robespierre, and Dansron 
abolished the ordinary courts of justice, and set up 
the Revolutionary Tribunal. That same Tribunal 
anjudged them both to death. The latter remarked 
with a feeling of anguish on receiving his sentence 
"I created the Tribunal Rerolutionaire; by it I am 
destroyed.'' Long ago did Shakespeare put into the 
mouth of Macbeth the same fatal judgment upon 
all ambitious and wicked demagogues. 
" We still have judgment here; that we but teach 
Bloody instructions, which being taught return 
'io plaiue tbe inventor. Thns even handed justice 
Commends the ingredients of oarpo'soned cnalice 
To our own lips.' 

Here, my friends, is a law made in contempt of 
every priijciple of justice and every sentiment of 
bumanitv; made unier the promptings ot revenge; 
made to screen the guilty from puuishmen* ; made 
ostensibly to oumsh rebels; made under tne idea 
that every outrage will be tolerated in the name of 
rebels; but in whose name, I fell you. it is no more 
allowable, to overturn the principles or justice: than 
in the name of God. And so being made, who is its 
victim? Tbe hrst victim is a Union man. It rails 
not on Jackson, nor Reynolds, nor Bifi Anderson, 
nor any rebel against whom it is alleged to have been 
made, but on Henry Drehman. And now, teliow- 
eit;zens. what think you of this law? I ask my Rad- 
ical friends who are present, what think youotit? 
Here is one Union man robbing another by a pro- 
vision of this Constitution. And here is a'Radical 
j'idae executing it; tellmg a Union citizen tbat 
though bis property has been taken from him by 
force and fraud he has no remedy eitber for the tak- 
ing or the detention! 

It. in tact, the Convention had power to make 
such a law. then indeed should we be grateful to 
them. Then indeed ought we to put O'lr hands on 
our mouths, and our mouths in tho dust, in token 
Of our extreme humility. Then indeed should the 
people (break out in paeans of praise to God that 
thev did no worse. Governments are made to se- 
cure propertv and liberty anii life. They have no 
other honest purpose. It the Convention could rob 
a citizen of his propertv they could take his life. 
The history of our judicial investigations in Missouri 
on these questions, presents a curious asi>ect. WTien 
sufirage is the quet-tion before the court we are told 
by the Radical judges, that though life, liberty, and 
property are protected against such legislation, 
suflrage is no part of liberty. And when a pure 
que.=tron ol property is presented, we find that pro- 
perty even is not projected ! 

A traveller, who visited the frightful depotism of 
Dahomev, relates tbat when the king ordered the 
noses of some prisoners to be cut otf, they fell on 
their knees and thanked hinitbit it was not their 
arms; when, improving on tbe suggestion, he order- 
ed the arms of others to be cut oft, they did the same, 
thanking him it was not their heads. The unfeel- 
ing monster ordered tbe heads ot others to be cut 
off, remarking— ^"Behold! 1 am the greatest king in 
tbe world ! I can do as I please !" 



My Radical friends, you nre accustomed to bluster 
a Rood deal about "Free Missouri!" Is it reallv s'>? 
Is Missouri free? Do you admire this portion of 
your Constitution? Is Mr. Drehman enjoying the 
blessings of {.'ood Government? What are the 
powers of his majesty the Kma of Dahomey? What 
are the rights ot fieemeniii Missouii, 

THE CONSTITUTION CIIEATES AN tJSELESS COURT 
AND NEEDLESS BCBTHENS AND DELAYS UPON 
LITIGANTS. 

I see beibre me gray headed men. No doubt, some 
now present have lived m Missouri for thirty years. 
Juring all that time you have had your Justices' 
Courts, Circuit Court and Supreme Court. When 
your case came before a Jusdce, an appeal could be 
taken from his judtrment to the Circuit Court, and 
from the Circuit Court to the Supreme Court. If 
the case orisjmated in the Circuit Court it mieht go 
at once to the Supreme Court, whose judgment on 
all questions arising under our State laws, was con- 
clusive. 

But the new Constitution creates another Court, 
intermediate between the Circuit Court and Su- 
preme Court, a Cour', composed of the Judse who 
first hears the case, and ttie judges of adjacents Cir- 
cuits; a Court whose opinion must be taken by 
eve'vlitiaaut. before he can take an appeal to the 
Suoreme Court, but whose opinion is n'".t conclusive, 
settles nothing and is a matter of mere curiosity. To 
tiketheca.se through this useless Court requires 
more lawyer's fees, more costs, more delav, more 
outside expense to litigants. Now, mv Iriends, you 
who have lived so long in Missou*"!, have you 
heard of any desire among the people for this extra 
court? I am sure you never old. The people never 
wanted it. It is useless — worse tti an useless: but it 
calls for more official labor, more Deputy Sheriffs, 
more Deputy Clerks, more transcripts, more record 
books, fees and expense.s; and hence its exlstene. 
The whole thing IS a mere burthen on the people, 
without one solitary advantage. 

THE CONSTITUTION ASSUMES TO PROHIBIT THE 
PREACHING OF THE GOSPEL AND THE WORSHIP 
OF GOD ACCORDING TO THE DICTATES OF ONE'S 
CONSCIENCE. 

More tyrannical yet is that provision which re- 
quires the minister, preacher or reliaious teacher, 
and all officers or the Churcti, to tike a nolitical test 
oath as a condition to preaching or perlbrming any 
reliaious exercise. All our foriEer constitutions 
contained the following declaration of absolute reli- 
gious free^lora : ''Ihat all men have a natural and 
indefeasible right to worship Almishtv God ac:ord- 
Ing to the dictates of their oiyu consciences." * * * 
"And no human authority can control or Interlere 
with the right? of conscience." The new Constitu- 
tion contains the same, and yet, as if it meant noth- 
ing, preaching and worship and the rights ot con- 
science are restrained by other provisions. The 
controversy out of which the declaration just men- 
tioned arose is as oW as Christianity. From the first 
moment wnen Christ commissioned his apostles 
until within the last century, the right 
to preach without the interference of 
the civil power was m continual dispute, the civil 
magistrate claiming the power to control nreaching 
and worship, the people denying it. I his right ot 
control has been asserted under several phases. 
Either !jll preaching and worship have been absolute- 
ly ptohibited or made conditional on some religious 
test or on some political test. The early Roman Em- 
perors in general prohibited every form of Christian 
worship. They deemed the safety of the Stite de- 
pendent on the suppression oi Christianity. They 
considered the innocent meetings of christian wor- 
shippers treasonable conspiracies ajamst Govern- 
ment. Hence thev crucified tDe Apjstles; cast their 
followers to wild beasts and subjected them to other 
cruel forms of death. 

This power asserted by the civil magistrate to say 
who may oreach or w irship includes the power to 
say what shnll be the preaching and wnat the wor- 
ship. JSuch has been its practical etieot ana no excep- 
tion is kniwn. 

Fiom the lourth to the fifteeoth century the politi- 
cal power of States and sovereigns declared and en- 
torced by the s^jord whatever they approved in res- 
pect to reiiaion. Constantine was the first Roman 
Emperor who saw the safety of his throne in the des- 



truction of paganism. He legally set up Christianity; 
banished Alius, anathematized and burnt his writ- 
ings, and was the first to inauiiurate a oersecution 
byrne Christian sect against another. When Henry 
Vlil ascended the throne of England the saieiyof 
his kingdom would sutler no one to preach or wor- 
ship who denied the supremacy of the Bishop of Kome. 
This monaich could appeal to the fact of Christ's 
cruciBxiou by Pilate to prove the supremicy of the 
civil power. He did not reign long, however, till he 
discovered that the satety of h>s kinedom rtquired 
him to deny the authority of Borne to asseit that 
he bimselt was supreme Head ot the Church, that 
Mary was not his heir, and to force his clergy to take 
an oath accordingly. None could be licensed to 
preach on any other condition. All who refused 
were deposed, and Bishoo Rochester and Sir Thomia 
Moore sutt'ered death. It was in the exercise of i his 
power thtt Charles V. prohibited the preaching 
of Lnther, and put him and his adherents to the 
banofthe Empire. That the little aristocracy of 
Genoa found ii essentiil to its safety to prevent any 
person dittering in opinion with Calvin, and to com- 
mit to the flames Michael Servitius for so frreat a 
crime. About the same time Henry II. of France 
was providing tor the safety ot his dominions by 
proscnbina: the opinions of Calvin and destroying 
his loilowers. 

When Edward VI. succeeded Henry '^111. the 
safety ot England made it indispensable to change 
the taith of his lather and prescribe new conditions 
tor preaching. On Edward's death, his sister Mary 
could see the safety of the State only in a full resto- 
ration or the Roman Catholic faith. All preaching 
was denounced till licensed by her. More than this, 
she demanded that every ooe must think as she 
thought. No religious opinions were to be held 
wtiich did not con'orm to hers. To execute her 
schemes, she imprisoned, tortured, put to death, 
burned at the stike, v^st numbers ot her people. 

Elizabeth succeeded, and now the safety ot the 
State demanded anew faith and new forms ot wor- 
ship. Her sister Mary's preachers are siieneed, and 
anewbat<3h licensed. Mot only new articles of 
faith, but new forms of prayers, from which none 
may vary, and new lorms oi dress are rigidiy pre 
scribed for worship. Side gowns, sleeves, capes, 
tippets of white sarcinet, caps, hoods and surplices , 
are solemn matters gravely ordained in Church and 
State; more solemn still to such as dare reject, lor 
deposition, banishment, fines, imprisonments, tor- 
tures and death are no light penalties. 

Elizabeth asserted tiiliy the supremacy of the 
civilpower, and showed herself scarcely less a ty- 
rant than her sister. 

In the meantime, Philip II. of Spain is regulating 
Breaching in the Low Countries. The safety of the 
Spanish throne oi course depends on it. None can 
preach but such as he anpointo ; nor these any other 
doctrine than he directs. With him religion is a 
mere political institution. The people bear long 
with Philip's ordinances. At last resistance comes, 
indnotm questionable shape. A war is ooened 
that lasts for eighty years. All Europe catches the 
flame and mingles in the strife. Philip decrees the 
death of the whole people of the Netherlands. In 
answer to this oioody mandate, they lew war en 
masse. Thev fight as one m;in. They break tbe 
dykes. They let in the wives of the sea to fisht for 
them ; determined to triumph or perish wi'h their 
foes m one common rum. Tney did not perish; they 
beat oft' the cruel spaniatds, and established the re- 
ligious liberty of their country. Bui the contest went 
ou in Eurone for a longer period. 1 need not recite 
the sufferings of martyrs through this dread itil his- 
tory. 1 need not number the thousands and tens of 
thousands. who, being commanded by the magistrate 
not to preach or worship save ou this or that condi- 
tion, or not to preach and worship save thus and so 
rephed: Christ's kinsdom is not oi this world; it 
is better to obey God than man. and nobly oerished 
for conscience sake. It is a sad story to lollowdown 
through the powers of another cjntury. The bean 
sickensover the tedious record ot religious persecu- 
tion of the Huguenots in France, the Roman 
Catholic.' in England and Ireland, the Waidenses in 
Piedmont; the Baptists, and Calvinists, ana Puritans 
everywhere; the blacktstand bloodiestscene of hu- 
man deprjyity in the world's annals. 

The sequel shows the flight ot many, who would 
preach and worship without license iT«m the civit 



10 



law,tothts continent; and alter anxious viccissi- 
tudes, the discovery of the real doctrine of religious 
hberty in the words, "that all men have a natural 
and indefeasible rieht to worship God according to 
the dictates of their own conscience," and "no hu- 
man authority can control or interfere with the 
rights of conscience." This iniBQortal declaration, 
whKh proclaims every human being the sole judge 
of religious laithand practice for himself, wjs first 
asserted by Roger Williams to re.'icue mankind (rom 
all the blood and a»ony of tois world of persecution; 
copied by Jefferson into the laws of Virginia, and 
thence into almost all.the Constitutions of these St;ites. 
Under its influence the fiercer flames ot religious in- 
tolerance have been quenched, and ditfermg sects 
have enjoyed a reasonable repose. 

My tnends, in the face of such a history, bigots 
have set up again the civil power over con- 
science. It IS in view ol such facts that tbes"^ bigo ts 
deny that the Missouri test oath is a human author- 
iiv intertiermg vrith the rights of conscience. It Is 
atter such scenes of ruiu and misery that men lise 
up lu our midst an i declare the safety of the State 
18 to be secnrod by regulations of preaching and wor- 
ship. Why, all history teiches that such measures 
only produce the opposite reeults. That wherever 
they ate employed no cominunity is at rest, no Stale 
is safe. What is the underlying thought ot this 
TTorld-wlile iireprei^sible conflict between the 
religious and civil power? Itlsihis. The minister 
ot religirn derives his commission from GoJ, and 
not from man ; tor his religious devotions man is 
responsible to God and not to human authority. To 
the 89ul imbued with the religious sentiment, the 
worship that is dictated by mau, is no longer wor- 
ship, but blasphemy. That even divine things when 
seized upon by the world and prostituted to sordid 
and seWish ends are tbrbidden. Thev are no more 
divine but sacreliglous in the sight ot God, and the 
believer dares not partake of tuem, much more is he 
not to respect or obey,o r contorm to whatever is 
purely of human invention. It is useless to tell him 
the restriction is trivial— the de oar ture small. His 
answer is Christ did not command it. He will not 
reject his Savior because you command. He 
will not repeat the prayer that you require. He will 
not ev»n put on your pretty "tippets of white 
sarcinct,'" but spuru your regulations and defy your 
power. It Is not strange thar the Missouri test oath, 
the most aggravated form of a test oath ever devised, 
should have been resisted. It would have been a 
miracle had it not been resisied. What then is the 
difl'erence between the martyrs now and the mar- 
tyrs of old? Between such as Moore and Fisher, who 
would not swear as cominaiidt-d by King Henry, and 
Cummingr^ and Dean and others who will not swear 
as commanded by the Convention — all are martyrs 
to the c»upe of religious linerty; all have suffered 
for conscience sake. And they, and all who consti- 
ttut# the unnumbered host of martyrs in tue past, 
estlfv in their resistance and their sufferings to the 
unmitigated evils of religious persecution*. 

Nothing can be more pertinent as illustrating the 
lu'ihty 01 such legislation th:in the confession of 
King Henry VIll, just preceding his death. 
Ihis monarch spent the greater portion ot 
his reign m licensing preachers and regulaung re- 
ligioa and worshio. He profes--ed to desire the hap- 
piness of her subjects and sought the end by en- 
forcing one uniform ruleot faith and practice. What 
effect was produced upon the people? Let him an- 
swer in his owk words: "Behold," be says, "what 
love and churitv is among you; when the one calleth 
t je other heretic and Anabaptist, and he calleth him 
again oap.sc hvpocritic pharisee. I see and hear daily 
thar, you of the clergy preach one against another 
without chaiity or discretion. * * Thus almost 
all he enmity and discord, and few or none do preach 
truly and sincerely the word of God as they ought 
ta do. And you of the temporality be not clean nor 
unspotted of malice and envy — you rail on the Bish- 
ops and speak slanderously of the priests and re- 
buke snd taunt the preachers. * * I am sorry to 
know how irreverently that most precious jewel, the 
word of God, is disputed, rhymed, sung and jangled 
in every alehouse and tavern contrary to the mean- 

*On the 28th day of July Ust. the Rev. 
Mr. Headly was shot down in the presence of his 
congregation by a comnany of radJcaib for preaching 
without a license under the New Constitution. 



ing thereof. I am sure that charity was never so 
taint amongst you— virtuous and godly living nev- 
er less used— nor God himself amongst Christians less 
reverenced, honored and served." 

Poor fool! to suppose that God had given toother 
men minds and hearts odIv that thev mighi: think 
and feel as he dictated— despicable tvrant wno could 
never see the happines? ol another ^aye in his own 
arbitrary wiU. 

And here, my friends, was the result of all his 
licences to preach and worship, and ail his seizures, 
imprisonments, beheadings and burnings. To find 
that his effort to rule the con.sciencKS of men waV a 
failure, that he had made England a pandemocium 
in vain. In vain he had lOosed upon his peoole the 
fiends of hell. The spirit ol resistance lived and 
laughed to scorn all his remorseless power and left 
him to confess his bitter disappointment while sink- 
ing into the grave. 

There are those, my friends, who being secretly 
ashamed of their work, tell the people it was never 
intended to interfere with preaching or worship, 
that the only intention was to prevent persons from 
uttering sentiments dangerous to the safety of the 
State. Tet, yon will observe, the Constitution con- 
tains notbiog, not a woid of any utterances or sep- 
timents. And while, as is pretendea, there was no 
intenti'^n to intettere with preaching and woiship, 
they are continually interfered with and the terrors 
of the civil power prevail lu every part of the.State. 

THE REVEBEN D CLEBGY. 

It is painful to behold after so long an absence, the 
return of this tell destroyer ot the peace ot commu- 
nities. It is sad to recognize again one of iig most 
familiar yet revolting features; the zeai with which 
a portion of the reverend clergy lan the flames of 
religious persecution. It is a truth which history 
attests, and 1 mention it in sorrow: that as a class 
the reverend clergy have not been the friends of 
religious liberty ; they to whom we have a rieht to 
look as guides, having m.ade Christianity their pecu- 
liar study, often seem to know least of its principles, 
to be least imbued with its sp-rit. It was leverend 
clergymen who, in times past, prompted the civil ' 
power to usurp the divine orerogation over the con- 
sciences of men. It was reverend clergymen who, 
in times past, exhibited the keenest relish m execu- 
ting all its merciless exactions It was the Reverend 
Thomas Craumer, who conoemced Joan Bocber 
to the flames for not believing as Government de- 
cided she must, and who, per.suaded, brow-beat ' 
and dragooned the young tiling Jidward, against 
his will, and in spite oi his tears, to sign the war- 
rant of execution. It was the Reverend John 
Rogers who stood by, consenting to her death, and 
when urged wi;h the cruelty ot the deed, turned the 
remonstrance as'de wiUi the inhuman declaration, ' 
'•that burning alive was no cruel death, but easy 
enough." In a little whde, my triends, parties 
changed, and tte satety of the kingdom, which had 
sent Joan Bocher to the state, demanded the lives 
of Cranmer and Rogers, and both of ihem were 
brought to realize thn f asv condition of burning t 
duve. Of all impracticables religous bigots are the 
most hopeless. It is impossible to penetrate their 
hard hearts or thick skulls with a sentiment of jus- 
tice or mercy. Who is it now that most stubbpinly 
deny the oppressions of the Missouri test oath? 
Reverend Clergymen. Who are most vehement in 
asserting its justiie and wisdom? most activt in * 
stimulating its enforcement? Kevereno Clergymen. 
Who is it tiiat are continually waging the fiercest 
war, not only on religious liberty, but all political 
liberty; teaching their flocks tliat a Uirge class of 
their lellow-citizens should be tabooed— not allowed 
to fill places in the schools, in the bar, in the Church, < 
nor in the pulpit, lest they may say something inju- 
rious to the safety of the' State? Reverend Clergy- 
men. 

POLITICAti LIBEKTY. 

My trends, what was the law ef polit'cai liberty in , 
Mlsslouri prior to the adoption et your present Con- 
stitution? Listen to the old tamiMar words. I will 
read them to you: "Ihe free communication ot 
thoughts and opinions is one uf the invaluable rights 
of man: every person may freely speak, write and 
print on any subject, being responsible for the abuse ,. 
ot that liberty." 



11 



What nave we now? Gae-lawfj, preventing citi- 
zens irom (iracficnip law, leacliiue school, tictiiitras 
coriorators, orc:4niziiig and cuniiuctiug Chnstis.ii 
churcht's. iireach'ug and worishipinng. tir tear that m 
these position!', tUev may sav someih'Lg Injurious to 
the State. Uuce a citizen imyht speak t'reel.v in any 
position, being responsiblu tor slander if he commit- 
ted sucli -i wroi'tr jsow we are told he sh«U not 
speak at all. Once the freedom ot speech was con - 
siderea the protecnon ol the state. Kow it is pro- 
nounced a puWicenf-mv. What a mighty revolu ion! 
Le' we .'ee what sort of provision the Raaicalssbould 
have insertea in the Bill of Rights to express the r 
viewson this saoject. How would this do? 

Liberty of speech is tlieriuhtof those only who 
•bave not been proscribed bv the party in (lower. 
That is the rule exacily. That is your law of liberty 
as espounded by the Radicals. Woatever is saia 
against them i? ruinous to the State. Freedom of 
speech would de.st'oy them; therefore it is danger- 
ous to the State. 

Such, my friends, are some of the provisions of 
your new Oonstitunon; not by any means all that 
are unwise or destructive of the rights of the peo- 
ple. 

It is a remarkable fact nobody in all Missouri de- 
fends this Constitution, or ever did defend it. Ics 
pjovisions are od'Ous to everybodv, but it was sup- 
posed to secure political power to the Radical lead- 
ers, and for this the V supported it. 

A RADICAL, CAOCUS IN APRIL 1865. 

Very soon after the adoptiou ot the Coustitur.iou in 
Convention a notable caucus is said to have been 
held in the ci^yof St. Louis. I will give you the 
account nl it as it appeared in the public prints. It 
distinctly defines the position of the Badiol leaders. 
"Upon the solicitation" ot Gen. Fisk and «ioy. 
Fletcher, Mr. Green 'attended" the caucus in 
Freetonoos' ottice and '-met there Senators Brown 
and Henderson: G^n. McNeil, Smith, Arder- 
son. Van Horn, Loan, Blow and Benj;»min." In 
that meeting Senator Brown was first called upon 
to express uis opinion. He had previously express- 
ed disapprobntion: hp now denounced it and de- 
clared it had only one vir'ue; and that was that it 
could easily be changed; but as a party measure 
he would sustain d." Gov. Fletcher, being 
cahed upon, said: •'Gentlemen, it is all wrong. It 
is not the thing we want. I cannot vote tor it. But 
i:' your represertarive men adopt it I will put it 
through." senator Hendcson being called an spoke 
at length upon the Constitution. Mr. Green's re- 
presentation ot the speech was araohic. He charac- 
terized it as able, eloquent. He, Henderson, left no 
part ot the instrument untouched. He proved it 
to be inhuman, illegal, unconstitutional. His de- 
nunciation and execration were unmeasured. Jle 
eoula discover no virtue m it, and closed by stating 
tbar, according to the letter of the Constitution, he 
could not vote; but that he wou'd sustain it as a 
party meisure." Smith, when ca.led on, simply 
said, he wiuld not vote tor the Constitution, with- 
out any remarks. It was presumed he judged de- 
fence impossible. Mr. Green did not state the re- 
marks ot the other Radical patriots present on that 
occasion. He nave us to understand no voice wis 
raised in behalf of the justice or necessity ot the 
Constirution lor the good of the State. 
The plea WHS parly. Such is the statement of the 
Hon. Moses P. Gre -n. a m-,mber ot the conventioa 
of 1865, and a Kidical until his party brought tor- 
ward this Constitution. Ihis eiatement has been 
long in p«"int : I believe never denied. Mo one who 
knows Mr. Green would question auy statement he 
would make. The Coustiution was all wrong, so the 
Kadical leaders admitted; out it wouid give them 
place and power and hence they supported it. 

A TRICK TO SECtJRE VOTES. 

Andhow. my friends, did the Ridical leaders sup- 
port the Constitution? By insisting on its merits? 
By showing the people its advaDta>;es— that it would 
promote the good of the State? Not at a'.l. Bat by 
conceding broadly that it was wroag. that it ouirht 
to be amended, and pledging themselves that it 
Should be amended if the people would only adopt 

it. When you mentioned lo one of them that the 
test oath was oppressive, he replied. 1 know it, but 
we will amend that. When you mentioned its in- 
humanity to the poor, certainly, he said, that should 

be amended. When you reierred to its war upon 



asylums, hospitals and other charities its prohibi- 
tion of religious means and uses, its barbarous and 
brutal requirement lor the execution ol innocent con- 
v.cts, Its desecr'aiioi 8 of liraves and cemeteries, its 
justification ot spolMtioos, robberies and murders, 
its needless increase of courts, litigation and ex- 
pet se. Its iuterler*>uce with preaching and ot wor- 
ship, you were still met by the same declaration, 
never mind, only vote lor it. and when adonted, we 
we will promptly amend. Not only was this the 
position of the Radical leaders, but of every Radical 
press in ti'C State 

Vety wiii. the election was held, and Rodman says 
there was a numerical majority returned for tie 
Constitution. We know that is Rodmon's statement. 
We know the senate Committee reported the cou it 
was right. We know the Governor Issued a procla- 
mation declaring the Constitution in force, but 
turther we ao not kijow, and have not been allowed 
to see. But did the Radicals amena? Not at all. 
un the cont.-iry they luinieJiately insisted the Con- 
stitution was a most excellent one. If an emigrant 
iHovod into the State they saiii he wasdiawn hither 
by the Constitution. Itany one sold a tract of land 
to- a reasonable price they saio it was owing to the 
wonderiul Constitution. It was the new Constitu- 
tion that caused the grass to grow, the rain to tall, 
and the sun to shine. Everywhere the cry went 
lorih, "Radicals stand by your Constituoion !" His 
Excellency, Gov. Fletcher, saw fit to say m his mes- 
saie, "The most recentit' expressed wish of the 
people on the subject of the Constitution is their 
adoption of it as their law." 

A Voice— "'Governor Fletcher is a very honest man 
sir." 

Mr. Glover— Of course he is an hones? man, but in 
what direction, my friend? A jockey was once 
selling a pony, and he rei omuiended him as a very 
honest pony, and a ba-eain was ma^le. Being call- 
ed on by a "iriend who knew the pony, to explain 
what he meant by a very honest pony, he said that 
whenever he got on that pony to ride he attempted 
to throw him, and had never deceived him in a 
single instance. Is tha" the way my Iriend with 
your Governor? Does h-^ attempt to batray eveiy- 
body and al wavs succeed? If so I suppose we may 
call him a very honest man. 

Alter the Legislature met repeated 
attempts were made to amend the 
Constuution. The Ralicals voted down every 
motion in that direction, and thus tedeemed their 
pledges to the people. Thousands and thousands of 
Radicals voted for the Constitution wuh the under- 
standing it should be araerded, and still wish it 
amended, but the Radical leaders in the Legislature 
and out of It refused, from party considerations, to 
allow It. 

THE PBETEKCE FOR THE INTOLERANCE AND PEO- 
SCEIPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION. 

The pretence for all the intolerance and t ro'crip- 
tionsof this new Constitution is. that Radicals are 
more loyal than othei people and have made a Con- 
stitution to hold up the hanws ot loyal men and pie- 
vent the inculcation of disloyal sentiments. My 
friends, the idea of cteventing the expression of 
ooinions by this test oath is simidy absurd, it is too 
absurdeven lor Radicals to believe. Youforbidthe 
lawyer to practice, the schoolmistress to teach, the 
deacon to hand around the brea* and wine ol the sa- 
crament, the minister to preach or pray, tor tear 
while performing these dutie." something improper 
may be said: in the meantime conversation is unin- 
terrupted, the rostrum Is tree, the press is tree; how 
utterly preposterous, therefore, is your scheme. But 
it it were lawful and not the very essence ol despot- 
ism do so, how can you in any manner prevent the 
expression of opinions? What vile monster in the 
shape of man has ever succeeded in the 
experiment? Why you might as well at- 
tempt to raise a barrier that would still 
tue waves of che ocean, or stay the winds, or shut 
the light ol the sun from the earth. That the Radi- 
cals have auy special claims to loyalty you al 
know IS ridiculous — sup-emely ridiculous. I have 
just passed round a circuit ot your country for three 
hundred miles or more. Wherever 1 have been I 

leamed that some of the most violent Radicals in 
li*fi6 were .Secessionists in 1861. How is it here? 
A Voice in the crowd — "it is the same here: old 

Secesh always make the worst Rads.'' 



1-2 



Mr G'over — I tave found it go. I remember thar 
in 1861 I was through here lookioe up troops, help- 
ji!i: my Drother to laise hia rtgiment; and if it be 
true that some of your prominent Radicals were 
then Uuion men they haa the very woist way ol 
showing It. 

A voice in the crowd — '•Well, if they are Union 
now T^ev have a bad way of showing it." 

Mr. Glover — Mv friends, I wish to put a few qiies- 
tions on this subject. 1 know pretty well who were 
tht' Union men up here lu 1861, and 1 know some- 
thing about your rebels too. Those original Union 
men are now generally Johnson men. I don't say 
all are, but generally they are Johnson men. I wisn 
to make some inquiries about your original lebels. 
Do you know a piomiuent citizen of this county who 
owned a mill and supplied the Rebel Ool Green with 
flour and was very fierce in declaring his opioion 
that Uuun men would not tiaht: that cne rebel 
was equal to five of them in battle? If you know 
this distinguished person sav how he stands now. 

A voice —''Wa all know him. He's at this time 
a flaming Badical and holds a big office." 

Mr. Glover — Wow, 1 will put another question. 
In 1860, a eentleman living in Knox county went 
down to St. Louis, broueht up some household fur- 
niture to Lagrange anft was haoling it home. The 
suspicion got out among the rebels that the cargo 
•was arms, and as he was known to be a Union man, 
acHinpany of dastardly scamps waylaid him to 
seize the arms aod nrobably murder him. But the 
Union man happened to travel on another road and 
did not fall into rheir handtJ. Can any one tell me 
whtt these leilowsare to-day? 

A voice -" Yes sir. they aie head Radicals claim- 
iiMi to b- better Uuloa men than Col. Glover, whom 
they way aid. 

Mr. t-Slover — Once more. I understand there 
were in this town of Monticello. in 1861, two black- 
smitb'.« who made butcher kn'ves for joe Porter's 
gueriias. to be used on tbe'r Union npighbors, I 
aoi also told these bufcher knile men are to-aay how- 
ling Kadicais. Is it so? 

A voice iu the crowd— "You are right. We all 
know the butcher knife men, and they are Ra'iicals 
now ; one oi them is here m the crowd to-day. He 
is a tremenoous patriot until the devil get's 
him. 

vir. Glover — Now, my friends, i.« not this a sweet 
partv to be continually boasting Of its lovaitv. De- 
nouncing as copperheads Union soldiers who tought 
througQ the war; but receiving with open arms 
every rebel who wiil join them. There are 
otbers in this very ' crowd to whom I 
might allude, and to whose cheeks I onld 
briD'i the olush if rhey were nf't destitute 
of shame. The impudence ot su3h men is utterly 
beyond mv conception. Their faces are hardei than 
the gates ot hell described by viilton, ot which— 
"three f Ids were brass; 
Three iron, ai.d three ol adamantine rock." 
I have not mentioned the names of any of these 
ornaments o* S-acMcaiism. It was not my purro.e to 
strip tbe Wok's robe entirelv oft the asses— but only 
to lilt It a little— only to show their ears. 

A Voice— uj on with theRads; you ain't half done 
yet. 

THE REAL MOTIVE, 

Mr. Glover— The real motive to all this work is 
party power and nothine else. Umon'stn is the ve- 
ry least matter that concerns it. In 1863 it became 
manifest th« rebellion must sod'^wn. J he res- 
snurces of the enemv were nearly exhausted, tne 
blockade complete, the forces moving towards the 
Suuth overwhelming. The question arose what was 
to be done with file rebel populafim alter the wur. 
Two parties were foimed atuong Union men on this 
question. The one a party of reconciliation, sfekine 
to settle our troubles on the basis that Rebels should 
lay down their arms — renew their allegiance, obey 
tbe laws and return to their duties as citizens. The 
other a party of revenee, proscriptions and perse- 
cution. These last mentioned seized upon tbe ex- 
isting animosities to create and maintain a vast po- 
lit;ical organization tor mere varty ends. They 
fleroel V denounced the motives Of everv one who at- 
tempted to stay their raee or interpose the mildest 
suggestions ot reason. These denunciations reached 
not only the most oistinguished officers and soldiers 
of the Uaion army, but Mr. Lincoln and members of 



his cabinet. When the rob«ls at 

last laid down their arms ano were 
oermitted to return to theic homes not to be dis- 
turbed while Ihey kept tbe peace, tbev denounced the 
distinguished officer who aianted these teims as a 
rebel sympathiser and trii'or, rhev indued an 
Attornev-Genoral ol the United States to give an 
opinion that rebels had no homes, anci, therefore, 
were not enntled to the terms of i-apitulation. At 
a later neiiod. the i>arty declared that thev had put 
down the rebellion; that thev were theor.iy loyal 
men; that the Government belonged to them as the 
jusirewaras of their great msrits; that they alone 
must rule, and all others be esclua<-d. lu other 
words, the old Government, for which so much 
blood and treasure had been expended, must be 
abandined and a new one formed, ol which the 
leading leature must be an aristocracy composed o' 
the loyal people. I he keynote ot tbis mov?ra>-nt 
was struck in every part of the countiy. Liberty 
for loval men, and for loyal men onlv. Here in 
Missouri, we behold the fruits of their soirit in the 
Constitution, we have been considering. To the 
lawyer it says, you shili earn no more bread bv 
your proff>ssiou. to the teacher, vou mus-t close 
your school. To the citizen, you shall never have a 
voice in your Government, lb the christian, you 
shall never participate in the orginisation of another 
church. To thy minister, you shall nevei preach c 
nrav ; nor visit your sick, nor bury vonr dead. 
These privileges belong only to loyal men. Such is 
the Radical programme. Such are tbe laws 
they have oiade; not to promote loyalty and 
patriotism, and virtue and religion, bat to bring 
them all into contempt, to sratity revenge, to 
threaten, worry ana harass political opponents, to 
drive them from fue state or into tue ranks ot their 
party, and embitter stdi more the prcailing strifes 
for selfish purposes. 

I need not teii any of you who have seen the ope- 
ration 01 such thingji that the ddm nistration of fac- 
tious laws is alwavs ten-fold worse than the liws 
themselves, anil is always intended to be so by those 
who make them. 

OBJECTIONS TO THE RADIO AL PROGRAMME. 

'the Call that rallied to the rational banner the 
loval men of this counfrv to put down in.s.urrection 
was iis holy as ever sunimoned a people to arms. 
It was an apnea! in favor of equal laws am) tree in- 
stitutinns and was justified by every sentiment i)l 
pati lotism :jnd humanity. But the effort now made 
at the end of the war to ipduce loyal men to seize 
the liberties of the oeople as the spoil.^ of victory is 
aishouoring alike to them and the cause they servt d. 
A viler motive never stimuhited the hordes of Attila 
or any other military adventurer who tought for 
captivei^ and booty, and not for liberty and biw. 
What is it, my friends, but the vulgar rolo of all 
usarpers and tyrants. CaBsar did so much for Rome 
that be thought himself entitled to a kingly crown. 
Bonapa-te set out to make France a Republic and 
won so many honors in the cause as t* deserve to 
become Eraoeror and owner ot everybody and 
everythirg lu ifrance. My friends. I will mention 
auether grent histoii.' example that ought to be dear 
to us all. When, at the close of our Revolutionary 
war in 1783, as insidious attempt was made to 
persuade the array unless they set up certain ex- 
traordinary pretei sicns and enforced them befoie 
laying down their arms they would be the 
only sufferers by the war and soon retire into 
ooverty, wretchedness and co'itempt," How di<i 
WashiEg'on meet the suggestion? B\ telling his 
soldiers ths'r glorious seivicp entitled them to pecu- 
liar privileges as cmzens? That because they had 
been loyal they alone mus: govern? That nobody 
must have liberty, but they? Noboay practice law, 
or tench, or pi each, or pray, or vote, but. tbey? No, 
my friends, no Washmzton iu<plored his soldiers 

'not to lessen the dignity or sully the glory they 
had h'therto maintained; aid to express their ut- 
most detestation and horror for the man who 
wished, under any spec'ous pretences, to oveithrow 
tbe lioerties o the country " 

The policy of the Radicals >s the destructien of 
popular liberty. Apply the principles of the new 
Constitution to the South, and six or eight millions 
ofpeopie will be cast ont of the Governmenf. The 
language of popular Government in this country 
used to be this; "All political powei is vested in and 



13 



derived froEi tho people; all (Torernment oriainates 
freni tue people, is founded on tlie'r will onlv. and 
IS iiistirutea solely for the good of tbe whole." I'he 
Endicals would change this creat law oi popular 
liberty, ard make it read as follows: '• \!i political 
power IS vested in and derived Irom the Bidioal 
parry; all Governrtient orisrifiates Irotn the Kadicil 
nariv, aud is (iiunded on the will of the Radical 
party, aiid institinei solely lor the good of the Radi- 
cal parly." 

The principles of the Radicals have already 
culminated in disunion. It is in strxt con- 
formity to their principles, that ten States reraaiw 
unre rresf-nteo in Congress. And on tbeli princi- 
ples they never will be reuresented. 

Apply the principles oi tbe new Cou«titufion to 
the Siiii'h, and amoog all thos*? proecr bed millions 
no one person could teaeb a s;hool or organize a 
corporation, or form a christian church. For 1 take 
ii to be settled that where no one can act as a priest, 
deacon, bisbop, elder, minister or cleigyraan, 
no christian church can be organized or conducted. 

THESE RESTRTCTIONS OV LIBERT l: ABE UNCONSTI- 
TUTIONAL. NULL AND VOID. 

I need net tell you that such proscription is un- 
constitutional; that tb's whole scheme of legislation 
for resDoatDs, lezisfration of voters, prosecutions n 
eniorce it, is contrary to the bigbest law of the Und. 
Of couise, there is no legal obliaation on you to obey 
or respect It in the sligir^st degree. Of course yon 
will be justified m the sight of Uod in toicible resis- 
tance to it, as you would to any other iusuflerable 
tyrannv, svbeiiever you find thdt forcible resistance 
IS the only way to overthrow it. Bur, my tritiiids, 
that case is net vet presented. I entreat you, there- 
fore, to deal witL tbis oppression without phyf ifal 
loice- You need nit fear that it will long conrinne. 
It is odiou'i to a great portion ot the Radicals them- 
selves The sympathies and feelinas of good men 
are against it. God and nature in a thousand un- 
seen ways will war upon it until it is destroyed. 

It is impo^^sible that a smMll minority, can by such 
frauds as the system requires continue to rule Why, 
tor example, there is no county m the northeast here 
in which there are not at leist two good, Conserva- 
tive, Union men, perlectly competent and willinf 
honestiv to take the oath nnd every way qua.ified 
under the Constitution to vote tor every Radical 
whether an original rebe! or Unionist. In many 
couutins the Lumber ot qualified Cono-rvafive voters 
is much greater. The Registers and Supervi«ois 
know iLis to be true. They are nevertheless expect- 
ed by the Radical leaders to disfranchise ey rraud 
these legal voters. Ihey know perfectiv well that 
in BO otber way can they carry the coming elections. 
Todosotbey must cimmit toe most unexampled 
frauds; tney must certify to piimberless wicked 
falsehoods, and cover tbeir t^ouis With otticial p-,rjur\. 
These Supervisors and Registers having dene this 
great wickedness are exnccted by their leaders to live 
lu a community by whom they are overwhelmed m 
numbers and to wnom tiiey are socially and morally 
respoDsible. They are (o bear through suecetding 
yeais toe bitt>>r scoin, tbe fixed contempt of the 
people among whom they live. But that is not all, 
they are to subject themselves to civil and penal 
.iudcments. Hliw, my friend?, is such a manitold 
piece <«t villainy to be enacted in ooen day and in tbe 
presence oi hundred of witnesses and to be suocess- 
lul? It will net succeed. It is impossible. 

HOW TO KEGISTER. 

When the x^roper time arrives, go nromptly before 
the Register, every one of you who has not been con- 
viced of some crime wtiich deprives you oi sufirage, 
and rake and subscribe to tbe 0!ith if you can hr>uest- 
ly do so, and demand to be registered. Ihis, if you 
are native born or natuialized, and have resided one 
year in tbe State, and are tw3nty-oTie years old, will 
entitle you to be put on tbe qoallfied list, unless 
your oath is disproved. Your oath cm be disproved 
in only two ways. Either the register must know 
personally ol some act disqualityingyou, and sta'e 
the lacton his reaisrrv, as of hisown knowlege; or 
he mn^t prove by yourself or some oth r witness on 
oath, some disquHlifying act, and enter the same on 
his leaistrv. 

If ne dares to put you on the disqualified list in 
any other way he is guilty of iraud and corruption 
and liable in damages. If you are unwilling to take 



tho oath have the Register refuse you for that rea- 
son and state the fact on the registry. It a fal-se 
ch'irge 18 made against you, have yonr witnesses on 
hand and disprove it. Appeal from on unjust deci- 
sion to the Board, as the law allows. Whether regis- 
tered, qualified, or not, gj to the polls and otter vour 
ballot. And now, my friendis, be sure and do what 
I tell you next. Ifyou are nen'ed any ofyour rights 
in this matter promptly sue the officers who deny 
them and lay the damage's high. The Radicals tell 
you the test oath is valid; that the Supreme Court 
did not hold it void. Very well, the Court will meet 
directly and say bow that matter is and should they 
say the oath is void, then the whole Rndic-il system 
is overthrown and you may take your judgment for 
damages against those wno enforced it against you. 
If It 18 any consolation to these officers, I can say 
they will have little taxes to pay hereafter, fo you 
who do not commence suit at once I 
will say you may do so any 

time within the next five years. Gentlemen, tue 
Radicals know how the Cecision was at Washington. 
Look at the worthless characters who are made Su- 
pervisors nod Regist^is; men of substance can hard- 
ly be got to act. They know the danger. I hey are 
rot prepared to suriender all they pissess for Radi- 
calism. I wish to name another thing for dishonest 
and trandulent officers, who reject voters lor party 
ends. You Hte indictable, gentlemen. Do ycur du- 
ty then honestly, or v^u may soon find how many of 
you a jail will hold. You need not run away to 
Iowa or Illinois. You can be sent lor. You think, 
perhaps, your Radical jucgcs can protect you. Ihey 
will haye no power. Besides they will turn fiom 
you in your hour of need and make their peace by 
punishing you. 

THE GOVERNOR'S TROOPS. 

Wherever I go 1 hear that the Governor has been 
organizing and armins cilizens in violation of law. 
The ordinmce ot tbe Convention of 1865, requires 
the Governor to organize toe militia as they come in 
the popular masses; and this militi-i he may call out 
and arm as a posee, when process cannot be served 
without it. But he has not done this. He has m 
various localities picked out from the masses of the 
people such as suited him. and organized and armed 
them. Besides, he is organizing and armmg large 
numbers of negroes contrary to law, for what pur- 
pose can only be .--urmisea. All this he knows to be 
in violation of law. These organizations are not 
troops, but mobs, mere political party mobs, who 
have no authority as troops, and over whom the Gov- 
ernor has no authority, but tor whose conduct be 
wM be responsible as tresspassers and violators ol the 
law. My friends, there is no pretence what- 
ever on which these armed pobticil mobs 
of the Governor's can be legally called out, by 
him or any one. i say to yoa emphatically, since 
the Governor has done this thmg, and evidently con 
templates some flagrantly illegal purpose, it is your 
right and duty to arm your Johnson clulas as soon 
as you can, and then be prepared to defend your- 
selves at all times against any assaults which he mav 
direct these mjbs to make upon you. Liberty and 
life are no longer sate in Missouri to unarmed men. 
Piepare then to defend them. 

THE RADICAL WAR ON THE PRESIDENT. 

The radicals have been wagirg a mcst relentless 
war upon President Johnson. Thev cal lim rebel, 
copperhead and traitor, they seek to blacken his 
name by epithets. But you seldom hear from anv 
otrbema rational statement of their complaints I 
will endeavor to give you some account 
of the quarrel between them and the Presi- 
dent. The President would not coun- 
tenance their scheme of disfranchising six or eight 
millions ot the Southern people, imposing taxes on 
them, and denying them representation. Tfint was 
the first complainr. Ihe second was the President 
vetoed the Freedmen's Bureau Bill. The third, 
the President would not assist them in extending 
suffrage to the negroes. Ihis, my friends. Is the 
whole matter; and It is lor this h.- is maligned and 
hunted down by an uns^rupulou? Radical press. In 
every one of these positions the President has vindi- 
cated his wisdom as a statesman. In every one he 
has endeared himself to the real iriends of the coun- 
ttv. 



14 



It 13 impossible, unaer the Constitation, to dis- 
irancliise anyboay lor a crime without acoavictiou. 
It is impossi'ble to distranchise the millions lafely iti 
rebellion at the South at all, withotit destroyuig 
there both the form and substance ol' re- 
puDlican libeity. It is not the interest of the 
Governmetit to establish a tyranny over these peo- 
ple. The most enliahtened nations of modem times 
never resort to (lislranch'semHnt of the popular 
masses as a punishment tor rebellion. Theeieater 
tlie rebellion the more indispensable the necessity 
tor restoritig the rebellious masses ro their rights as 
citizens. Wise rulers will, under such circumstances, 
endeavor to make it the interest of rebellious sub- 
jects to respect and love the Government and n jt to 
hate it. What has been the pobcy of thr.se Europe- 
an States in which ereat Dopular revolutions have 
ocurred for a century past ? Preci?ely that which 
is now pursued by President Johnson. Ibey have 
welcomed back their erring people as soon as they 
were willing to come. They have consolidated the 
repose of the State by otiermg inducements to con- 
tentment and peace. 

One ot the most interesting exhibitions of this sal- 
utary course occurred m the matter of the late civil 
war in Canada. 

As soon as the armed resistance ot the insurgents 
was suppressed and the most guilty offenders pun 
shed. LorQ Durham issued a proclamation of gen- 
eral amnesty save a few exceptions. This proclaun- 
tion was approved by the Queen, except, the exseo- 
tin«, and thus made universal. Mo disfranchise- 
ments— no disabilities of any sort were imposed on 
the pardoned otl'enaers. Papineau haa been one of 
the miin agitators, whose ett'orts created the war: 
and had fled the country about the time ot its ter- 
mination. Sir Allen McNab on the contrary had 
bpeu one of the staunchest friends of the Govern- 
ment, and to him and his adherents was due the 
honor of rallying to the suoport of the Governu ent 
in the very ini^eption ot the rebell on and setting on 
foot those meisures that destroyed it. Ihe restori- 
tion ot peace and the extension of amnesty to the 
rebels was attended by this most unexpeced r^ salt 
to the loyal party in Canarfa; I ha. in 1840 Papin- 
eau and his rebel trends were almost evervwhere 
elected to ottice while Sir Allan Mefsao and his lov<il 
friiTids were defeated. Mr. Allison says tbat the 
loyalists complained bitterly that "the leaders of the 
insurrection had been elevated to power," while 
"they who haa imperilled their lives and fortunes 
to maintain the Government were excluded from all 
share in the aoministrat'on of the country they hnd 
saved." "Nevertheless," the historian adds, "it 
does not appear tbat any otner course could have 
been pursuel by a Government subjac' t» the real 
control of a popular assembly. And. if experience, 
the nue test of wisdom ma course of Government, 
is reiierred to, the result seems to have established 
in a most triumphant manner the wisdom of the 
course which has been pursued." 

IheCmadtan rebels under the ooeration of the 
amnesty took possession of the Government ;ind 
evHr since demeaned themselves as loyal ci tizens. 
There are two things which our Radicals seem inca- 
pable of understanding: bow it is that a man can- 
not be pardoned and punished at the same time; 
nor why you cannot so model a free (government as 
to preserve liberty for one party and fix disfranchise- 
ment and pains and penalties on another. The truth 
js they are resolved not to continue the present free 
form of institutions unless they can secure to them- 
selves the offices and honois m perpetuity. My 
tr t-nds, all usurpers, alt tyrants, have been willing 
to the same conditions. 

THE HISTOllY OF THE JlA.DICAlj POLICY OF 
DISFBANCHISEMENT. 

The first success of this pobcy was in Maryland. 
In September, 1864, the Maryland Con-vention aaoot- 
ed a Constitution disttanchising all who had been in 
arms, or givt-n aid or comfort to the rebels, or ex- 
pressed a desire for their triumph. The next was your 
M'ssouri Constitution, more pioscriptive than that 
of Maryland. It is understood that West Virginn 
adopted something like the Marvland provision, 
and tnat Tennessee has just enfciced a more search- 
ing and wider proscription even than tbHt ot Mis- 
souri. These results have not been sanctioned by 
the people. Eveiyone has directly or indirectly 
been brought about by military power, am with 



them this species ot legislation seems to have finish- 
ed Its course. For three years the Uadicais .n Con- 
gress have labored incessantly to stamp the same 
policy upon the acion of that body. TLey tried it 
by acts of Congress; they ends'ayored to compass it 
bv ccnst'tutiunal amendments; they quarrelled 
with Mr. Linco'n lor opposing them; they playeil 
the same game with Mr. .Johnson ; they have at last 
utterly tailed. I will mention briefly these several 
attemots. 1 think it was in 18ti3 that Mr. Ashley re- 
ported the hrst uisfranrhising bill in the House ol 
Representatives. It bore this deceitful title. "A 
bill to guarantee certain Sta'es whose Governments 
have been usurpe-j. «Src.. a republican lorra of Gov- 
ernment" The bill attajuted all nersons who bore 
arms or held otHce under rebel authoritv. depriving 
them of the right to vote ot hold othce. It was 
thoroughly discussed and frequf-ntiy amended but 
nevei- passed Congress. In 1864 the same measure 
was brought loiward, substantially, ano, receiv- 
ing the luiited support ot the Badxals, passed both 
houses in July. It was not approveo by Mr. Lin- 
coln, and oi course was no la*v. Winter Davis, ot 
Maryland, and Ben Wade, ol Ohio, issued h caid 
proclaiming Mr. Lincoln a usurper and Iviaut lor 
not signing this bill. In 1865 the disfranciiispmeut 
project was again pressed Vy the Radicals, 
but in the shape of constitutional 
amendments. Th:s change of programme 
conceded the unconstitutionality of the oil! passed 
the year before. In 18G5-6 no effort was omitted to 
secure the success of the amendments; commitiees 
were raised to hunt up testimony to exaggerate the 
state 01 things in the Sou'.n, and fire the "Northern 
heart. The whole Radical press 5?as set to work to 
asperse ^ he mnt'ves ot opponents. The words "cop- 
peihead." "rebel " and '• triitor " were u.<ed more 
flippantly and foolishly than ever. It was contin- 
ually asserted that all who opposed th« nmiuend- 
ments were disloval. Mr. Stevens worked day and 
night and cultivated his malice ana closed his mind 
to every suggestion of reason, but all would not do; 
the Radical Congress seemed more and m-ire unwil- 
ling to commit tiie stupendous crime. When the 
House agreed upon a plan, the Sena'e di.-<a'^reed ; 
when the Senate was prepared to act, the House was 
not ready. The Radicals held a working majitrity in 
botn Houses, the iladicals were all for distrauchise- 
ment, and s'lll the amendments would not oass. 

At last, when nobodv expected it, the whole pio- 
ject of distrauchising voters was stricken out of the 
auieudinents, and the clause in relation to holding 
office so modified that no person wasexcludea unless 
he had, as an oflicer of the United States or a State, 
taken an oath to support the Constitution ot the 
United States, and afterwards given aid and com- 
tort ij the rebellion; a provision, which, it is said, 
may not reach more than three hundred persons. 
1 will drfv the whole histTy of ground and lotty 
tumbling to show aBVthing more striking. A Sen- 
ator of Missouri rose in his place, aad thus 
commended the grand coup d'etat of bis party. He 
said, " we cannot punish all. To discriiuinate 
among those who are equally guilty wears the garl> 
01 injustice. We cannot punish those wlio are guilty 
of tne highest crime? — crimes which give treason its 
hue. To do so would stamp the nation wuh crueltv, 
therefore, we cannot begin without injustice. We 
must be merciful. I am willing to make the high- 
est virtue of that necessity. 1 here is so much guilt 
as to render the task of punishment hopeless. Hence 
the provision depriving even the worst rebels of the 
ballot has been whollv abandoned. Lee, Johnson, 
Wade Hampton, Moseby atd even Jeif. Davis are 
leit competent electors to vote for state officers and 
members of L/ongress." 

Come now. Radicals oi Missouri, listen to this 
lantiuage o*" Mne of your great lights. 

lo (lifiranchise rebe.s is"inju.<(tice" — "stamps the 
nation |with |cruelty." We can't even begin such a 
thmg " "We must be mercilui " "The provisions 
depriving the worst rebels of the ballot has been 
wlmtly abandoned. Lee, JobiS'n, Mosebv and al! 
such shall vote. Yes, "Jeff. Davis" shall vote. Now, 
my Kaaica' friei ds. what do you think of thit? 
Who are the copperheads now? How do you re- 
gard this unqualifl^d denunciation of your Missouri 
Constitution? 

A voice in the crowd— You say thaf a Missouii 
Senator said that— Who wasihat Senator? 

Mr. Glover— ihe Hon. John B. Henderson? 



15 



A voice — Well, 1 altit surprised. Nobody ever had 
any confidence in John B. Henderson. 

Mr. G'over — Oil. my dear sir, that, won'f an.awer 
your purpose, just now, at all; yau can't make a 
seaDe-eoat of Mr. Henderson. Your ofher Senator, 
Mr. Brown, voteiiihe same way. All your leading 
Radicals in Congress, except Ibad. Stevens ana a 
lew rank and file, did the same. They haye ail cut 
loose irom the Missiuri Iladicals — all repudiated 
your policy. But more than this, mv Wends, they 
have come on this question to the oesition of the 
President. When the Radicals hai agreed on a 
plan of reconstruction on which even the worst 
rebels were to vote, and all. save three hundred. 
holdofticp. It was their du*y, logically, to admit 
the Soatbern members of Uongress. But they only 
admitted Tennessee, excluding tenStatesboth from 
suttrnge and representation. Mow, my Kadical 
frieuds, 1 think Mr. Johnson can go befoie the peo- 
ple on that record, if you can. 

NEGEO SUFFRAGE. 

There was a time when Missouri Radicals denied 
their affiliation with the Eastern Etadicals on the 
question of negro sutfrage. Ihat is pas t. >4o man 
is now a Radical in good stanaing with the party, 
unless he is for nearo sutfrage. This, I suupose. you 
all understand- From i)ecember 1863, the Ratiicals 
in Congress have stood committed before the world 
bv bills introduced into that bodv, and by their 
speeches in favor ot these bills, for two propositions — 
the disfranchisement of the white people of the 
South who had been in reoellion, and the en- 
franchisement of the negroes. The scheme would 
have piaced eleven States wholly in the political 
control of the blacks : some tour millions of blacks, 
not one in ten thousand of whom, I suppose, can 
read or write, or owns a dollars' worth of property. 
1 he President was of opinion that these colored 
citizens might not be competent to conduct the ad- 
ministration of those States in a manner satistactory 
to the six or eight millions of whites who would 
have been subject to their will: or in accordance 
with the public interest. The President was 
further of opion that such legisUticn wouM 
instantly force a bloody collision between the 
races. The radicals insisted that in a very little 
while the negroes would become competent to exer- 
cise the right otsuffraae and pertorm the duties of 
statesmen. To this the President reolied: You 
admit they are incompetent now; "sufficient unto 
the dav is the evil thereof." Now, my friends, 
while the Radicals in the late Congress ''wholly 
abandoned," as Mr. Henderson said, depriving even 
the worst rebels of the ballot, or the privilege of 
holding office; they silenily dropoed the subject of 
negro sutfrage. They must have conceded the justice 
of Mr. Johnson's views on that question. 



THE FBEEDMAN'8 BUREAU. 

This act ot Congress is the most extraordinary 
that ever was proposed in the history of our coun- 
try. It clothes the agents it creates with an unlim- 
ited and aibitrary power. These agents are not re- 
quired to have the least knowledge of the laws; yet 
tney may annul the judgments of the highest courts 
and the most learned jurists. The act subjects the 
colored citizens whom the Radicals have been try- 
ing for three years to clothe with sutfrage to the dls- 
cretiou of its agents tor every right. I'hny cannot 
make contracts lor their own labor, save by consent 
of an agent. It substantially makes Its officers over- 
seers and masters of the blacks. It draws within 
its mighty grasp the rights of every person— estab- 
lishes military jurisdiction in time of peace— dis- 
penses with indictments, juries, and every 
known established rule of administrating justice. 
The PresiJent vetoed this bill for its excessive 
tyranny and palpable unconstitutionality. 

My friends, I have detained you here too long (cries 
ot go on, go on) and yet I might talk aa long again 
ana not exhaust these questions. Tne President 
bas shown himself a statesman equal to the crisis. 
In his recent vetoes he has proved that he loves lib- 
erty and law more than authority. It wtU be re- 
corded to the houor of Andrew Johnson, that when 
lactious partizans passed bills couterritig on him 
larger and more arbitrary powers than are used bv 
the Emperor of Austria, he vetoed their bills and 
rejected the powers And when these unhappy 
times shall have fully passed, when tile convulsions 
under which the country is yet heaving have all 
subsided, when pertect peace shall have overshad- 
owed the American people. End restored them to 
their natural feelings and sympathies and the mutu- 
al and undisturbed enjoyment oi their political and 
religious liberties, the historian will accord to An- 
drew Johnson the merit of resisting a tide of pas- 
sion and violence that might have been fatal to bis 
country. His unse'hsh patriotism, his love of popu- 
lar liberty and lotiy courage will then shed forth a 
lustre undimmed by the mists of prejudice which 
veil it now. Yes, my friends, posterity will cot cede 
to Andrew Johnson a place in the front rank of 
those illustrious men who have best served and most 
honored their country in the Presidential office. He 
will appear to them to combine in his character the 
most estimable traits of our noblest Presiaents. 
They will do justice to his virtues and revere his 
memory. They will speak of him as one whose lot 
was cast in a dark hour of the Republic, but 
who did his duty honestly ana bravely. 'I hey will 
say that as Madison, he was sagacions; as Lincoln, 
mercilul; as Jackson, firm; as Washington, just. 

My Itieuds, I thank you for this long and patient 
attention — 1 am done. 



^> 



'^»V»i' 



^.€ 
















o. '-„;-o' ^,0' ^^^ *.,.'■ ^'J- 



\> 






^^ ^'% •:€ ™'^ 







r'v 









<^ .. -^ " 



^°-n^. 






.'^'^ . o " 











<i 1-0- .Ir^^ " -#> <-" ^ />- 










"^^n^ 






^^..^* 



A 









" ^ -vl' 



.-J^^ 



A 



"^ '■} 






>. 
















